Liberal projects of Alexander 1 in 1815 1825. III
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Domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815 - 1825
Lesson objectives:
Educational:to ensure that students acquire knowledge about the main directions of the domestic policy of Alexander I, about the inconsistency of the nature of the reforms being carried out, about the reasons for refusing to carry out further reforms.
Educational: education in students of a respectful attitude to the historical past of our country, the formation of a tolerant attitude towards the individual.
Developing: to strengthen students' ability to work with a textbook and historical documents; prove, justify your point of view, using the knowledge gained during the lesson; negotiate, come to a common decision (when working in a group).
Lesson type: assimilation of new knowledge and primary consolidation.
Lesson methods:problematic, research.
Form of student activity: group.
Lesson equipment:PC, multimedia projector, screen, A.A. Danilov, L.G. Kosulin "History of Russia, XIX century".
Knowledge update:
What topics did you study in the previous two lessons?
The Patriotic War was a serious test for the whole country. Russia managed not only to defend its independence, but also helped the European countries to free themselves from the power of Napoleon.
Public sentiment is on the rise. This mood is well conveyed by the words of A. S. Pushkin: “Unforgettable time! Time of glory and delight! How strongly the Russian heart beat at the word "fatherland"! How sweet were the tears of goodbye! With what unanimity we united the feelings of national pride and love for the sovereign! And what a minute it was for him!”
The foreign policy course of Alexander I justified public expectations. Changes were expected from the Emperor domestic politics.
Creation of a problem situation.
Here are the statements of liberal nobles about their attitude towards Alexander I.
“Some young people, who were for the fatherland and their king on the field of honor (in the war), wanted to be the faithful squad of their leader and in the field of peace. They gave each other a promise in word and deed to assist their sovereign in all his outlines for the good of their people ... ".
From the "Notes" of Prince S.P. Trubetskoy (1816)
"The headquarters - Captain Ivan Yakushkin expected to shoot Alexander I when he was leaving the Assumption Cathedral after the service, and then kill himself with a second pistol, so that the murder was similar to a fair duel."
From the memoirs of contemporaries (1820s)
How did the attitude of the liberal nobles towards Alexander I change?
At the end of the lesson, you should explain why the attitude of the liberal nobles towards Alexander I changed so dramatically.
During the classes:
Lesson plan.
I. Changes in domestic policy.
II. The first experience of the constitution in Russia.
III. N. N. Novosiltsev's reform project.
IV. Refusal to carry out reforms in the early 20s. Reasons for not reforming.
The class is divided into three groups. All groups work with the first point of the plan, and the remaining questions are distributed among groups.
According to the first paragraph of the plan, having studied the first paragraph of the paragraph, draw up a diagram "The public mood in the country after the victory in the war of 1812."
Freethinking nobility Constitution.
Peasantry The abolition of serfdom.
peoples Russian Empire Ease in national policy;
Approximation of Russian laws to Western European ones.
Conservative nobility Reforms are harmful to the country.
Work plan for the first group.
1. The name of the document and the year of its adoption.
2. The purpose of the adoption of the document.
3. Reasons for the adoption of the document (work with a historical source)
management)
Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland (1815)
The liberal nobles' expectation of a constitution; the emperor's desire to save Poland
Shu within the Russian Empire.
From the speech of Emperor Alexander I ... at the opening of the meeting of the Sejm in Warsaw:
“The education that existed in your region allowed me to immediately introduce what
which I have bestowed on you, guided by the rules of legally free institutions, which have been incessantly the subject of my thoughts ...
You have given me the means to show my fatherland what I have been preparing for it for a long time and what it will use when the beginning of such an important matter reaches the proper maturity ... You are called to set a great example for Europe, which is fixing its eyes on you.
How did Alexander I explain the reasons for introducing a constitution in the Kingdom of Poland?
What were the further intentions of Alexander I regarding the constitutional structure?
Guarantees for citizens of the Kingdom of Poland.
1. Inviolability of the person.
2. Freedom of the press.
3. Destruction of such forms of punishment as deprivation of property and exile without a court decision.
4. Use of the Polish language in all government offices.
5. Appointment to all state, judicial and government posts of subjects of the Kingdom of Poland.
Emperor
Seimas
Upper house Lower house
State Council
Plan of work for the second group.
1. The name of the document and the year of its preparation.
2. The purpose of the adoption of the document.
management)
4. How did Alexander I explain the reason that the document was not adopted? What is the real reason for abandoning the project? (work with a historical source)
"Statutory charter of the Russian Empire" (1820)
The adoption of the constitution was expected by the liberal nobility.
Guarantees of rights and freedoms to citizens of the Russian Empire.
1. Freedom of speech.
2. Freedom of religion.
3.Equality of all before the law.
4.Inviolability of the person.
5. The right to private property.
Legislative and executive power is in the hands of the emperor. The approval of the bicameral parliament is necessary for the issuance of laws. The country is divided into governorships, which had bicameral parliaments.
From the "Notes" of P. A. Vyazemsky:
“... The sovereign spoke with me for more than half an hour ... He said that he knew my participation in the drafting of the Russian constitution, that he was satisfied with our work ... that he hoped to bring this matter to the desired end, that at that time there was only a lack of money needed for such a state turnover slows down the actuation of thoughts sacred to him; that he knows how much this transformation will meet with difficulties, obstacles of contradiction in people ... "
How did the emperor explain that the constitution was not adopted? What is the real reason behind this decision? If the document had been adopted, would it be possible to speak of the liquidation of the autocracy?
Work plan for the third group.
1. Decrees adopted by Alexander I in the 1820s.
2. Reasons for refusing to reform.
1.Decrees allowing landowners to exile peasants to Siberia.
2. Serfs are forbidden to complain about their masters.
3. Strengthened censorship.
4. The activities of all secret organizations are prohibited. Members of secret organizations are persecuted.
5.Increase in educational institutions the number of hours devoted to religious instruction.
Reasons for not reforming.
1. Rejection of reforms by the majority of nobles.
2. The growth of the revolutionary movement in Europe.
3. Personal family tragedies of the king.
Groups report on their work. The conclusions made by the group are recorded by all students in a notebook.
The students then answer the problematic question.
Consolidation of the studied material.
Students must complete the sentence:
1. Liberal nobles expected from Alexander I ...
2. The Emperor granted the Kingdom of Poland ...
3. Alexander I did not sign the main provisions of the Charter of the Russian Empire, because ...
4. Decrees testify to the deterioration of the situation of serfs ...
5. The refusal of Alexander I from further reforms was explained ...
Homework:for those who succeed in the subject at "4" and "5" an essay on the topic: "The reign of Alexander I. Reforms and reaction: what prevailed?"
For other students: paragraph 6 and questions to it.
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Slides captions:
internal policy of Alexander I in 1815-1825.
Unforgettable time! Time of glory and delight! How strongly the Russian heart beat at the word "fatherland"! How sweet were the tears of rendezvous! With what unanimity we united the feelings of national pride and love for the sovereign! And what a moment it was for him!
Alexander I Years of reign 1801-1825
Statements of the liberal nobles about their attitude towards Alexander I Some young people who were for the fatherland and their king on the field of honor (in the war) wanted to be the faithful squad of their leader and in the field of peace. They promised each other in word and deed to assist their sovereign in all his ways for the good of their people... (1816) Prince Sergey Petrovich Trubetskoy
Statements of liberal nobles about their attitude towards Alexander I From the memoirs of contemporaries (1820s) Captain Ivan Yakushkin hoped to shoot Alexander I when he was leaving the Assumption Cathedral after the service, and then kill himself with a second pistol so that the murder would be like a fair duel. Staff Captain Yakushkin Ivan Dmitrievich
LESSON PLAN FOR CHANGE IN DOMESTIC POLITICS. POLISH EXPERIMENT. THE FIRST EXPERIENCE OF THE CONSTITUTION IN RUSSIA. REFORM PROJECT N. N. NOVOSILTSEV. REFUSAL TO REFORM AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX YEARS. REASONS FOR REFUSAL TO REFORMS.
PUBLIC MOOD IN THE COUNTRY AFTER THE VICTORY IN THE WAR OF 1812 (DIAGRAM) Freethinking nobility Peoples of the Russian Empire Peasantry Ease in national policy; approximation of Russian laws to Western European laws Abolition of serfdom Constitution Conservative nobility Reforms are harmful to the country
Guarantees for citizens of the kingdom of Poland Inviolability of the person. Freedom of the press. Destruction of such forms of punishment as deprivation of property and exile without a court decision. Use of the Polish language in all government offices. Appointment to all state, judicial and government posts of subjects of the Kingdom of Poland. EMPEROR SEIM Upper Lower Chamber State Council
Guarantees of rights and freedoms for citizens of the Russian Empire Freedom of speech Freedom of religion Equality of all before the law Inviolability of the individual The right to private property
Decrees adopted by Alexander I in the 1820s Landowners are allowed to exile peasants to Siberia Serfs are forbidden to complain about their masters Censorship is strengthened All secret organizations are banned An increase in the number of hours devoted to religious education in educational institutions
Reasons for refusing to carry out reforms Rejection of reforms by the majority of the nobles Growth of the revolutionary movement in Europe Personal family tragedies of the tsar
WHY DID THE ATTITUDE OF LIBERAL NOBILIES TO ALEXANDER I HAVE CHANGED SO DRAFTLY?
COMPLETE THE SENTENCE Liberal nobles expected from Alexander I... The emperor granted the Kingdom of Poland... Alexander I did not sign the main provisions of the Charter of the Russian Empire, because... Decrees testify to the deterioration of the situation of serfs... Alexander's refusal I from the further implementation of reforms was explained ...
Task number 1. What factors influenced the continuation of reforms, and what prevented them after the end of World War II?
Task number 2. Make up a story about the development and adoption of the Polish constitution, as well as its main provisions from the words of a Polish gentry and a Russian conservative nobleman. Write a plan for this story.
“Tsar Alexander decided to grant a constitution to the Poles, accustomed to living freely. This is the right step to smooth out the contradictions, because the Poles with enthusiasm and joy supported Napoleon, who restored Poland. Unusual delight was caused by the oath of the Russian Tsar. The Poles received civil and political rights. The Polish language became the state language, and from now on, only Poles could hold all government posts. Legislative power was given to the Sejm, in whose lower chamber gentry and city representatives were elected. All executive power belongs to the State Council, and the Russian Tsar cannot personally make a single decision. The Poles have strengthened the hope that this constitution is only the first step towards even greater freedom of their native country! Polish gentry
“All this flirting with the Poles will not lead to good. How can a part of the country be granted such freedoms, because this sets an example for the rest of the empire. To give civil rights to the entire population is to put serfs on an equal footing with nobles! Who will work for us and cultivate the master's land, and how, if I may, give orders to the peasant, if we give him rights equal to ours, make the person inviolable and forbid punishment? Russian nobleman-conservative
Story plan. 1) reasons for adoption, 2) main provisions, 3) the nature of the constitution and the attitude towards it in society, 4) expectations from the constitution
Task number 3. Fill in the table "Progressive and reactionary measures of the domestic policy of Alexander I in 1815-1825."
Task number 4. Explain the meaning of concepts
The Constitution is the fundamental law of the state, which determines its state structure, the system of authorities and administration, their competence and the procedure for formation, the electoral system, civil rights and freedoms, as well as the judicial system.
Civil liberties (rights) are rights acquired by a person at birth, regardless of his citizenship, gender, age, race, nationality, religion. For example, the right to life, liberty and security, freedom of movement, religion, the right to judicial protection and etc.
"Charter of the Russian Empire" - a draft constitution prepared at the direction of Emperor Alexander I by his representative at the Administrative Council of the Kingdom of Poland N. N. Novosiltsev in 1819
Mysticism - in a broad sense - the recognition of the supernatural essence of the phenomena of nature and society, the explanation of various events in people's lives by fate
The Jesuit Order is a male Catholic monastic order, formed by I. Loyola in 1534. Actively engaged in science, education and missionary work
Task number 5. Indicate the correct answer
According to the constitution of 1815, the head of the Polish state was:
a) Polish king
b) Russian tsar
c) Russian governor general
d) governor of the Russian tsar
Task number 6. Fill in the table "The draft" Charter of the Russian Empire "
Progressive Traits conservative traits The principle of separation of powers
Creation of a bicameral State Seimas and local bicameral Seimas
Approval of the budget and laws by the Seimas
Election of representative and judicial authorities
Grant of suffrage
Grant of civil liberties
Freedom of the press
Independence of the judiciary and equality of subjects before the law
Imperial Sovereignty
The exclusive right of legislative initiative and the right of veto for the emperor
All executive power is in the hands of the emperor
Property electoral qualification, which predetermined the composition of the Sejm
Granting voting rights and civil liberties only to representatives of free estates
The issue of serfdom was not raised
Task number 7. Make a table based on the material § 1, 3 and 6 "The main results of the domestic policy of Alexander I"
Task number 8. Give a description of Emperor Alexander I, having previously drawn up a report plan
Report plan:
1) Circumstances of coming to power
2) Feature
3) Characteristics of the reign
4) Conclusion
Alexander became king after the murder of his own father, about which he knew and considered it possible not to prevent. In the future, this left an imprint on his entire reign and some character traits.
According to contemporaries, Alexander was a man of bright mind and kind heart. He was well educated and brought up. His way of thinking is largely shaped by the influence of La Harpe. But what was laid in him by nature was perverted by reality. He was indecisive and weak in character, his weakness in making decisions sometimes drove him to stubbornness. He was vindictive, but did not "execute" a person, but pursued him slowly and methodically. Knowing about the fate of his father, Alexander was secretive, insincere, dodgy, reaching the point of duplicity. He was selfish and indifferent to the fate of his companions. He had a passion for acting and posturing
It seems to me erroneous to divide the reign of Alexander into liberal and conservative periods. Having come to power and being a smart man, he understood the unsuitability of his father's methods and knew how to wait, listen to moods and be dodgy in ways to achieve a goal. While his power was weak, Alexander flirted with various groups of nobles, maneuvered. But, with the strengthening of power, Alexander's policy acquired more and more definite features and was aimed at strengthening the autocracy.
The reign of Alexander was very accurately described by Klyuchevsky: “... If an outside observer who had the opportunity to get acquainted with the Russian state order and Russian public life at the end of the reign of Catherine, would then return to Russia at the end of the reign of Alexander and carefully peer into Russian life, he I would not have noticed that there was an era of governmental and social transformations; he would not have noticed the reign of Alexander"
In 1812-1815, when Alexander I was engrossed in the fight against Napoleon, he granted emergency powers in the internal administration to the Committee of Ministers, but, being largely dissatisfied with the activities of its members under the leadership of N.I. Saltykov, although he left the Committee the center of all government power, but gave it under the control of Arakcheev. In 1815 Arakcheev became a speaker on the affairs of the Committee of Ministers as a whole, as well as on the affairs of the State Council. In addition, Arakcheev was in charge of His Imperial Majesty's own Chancellery. The personal reports of the ministers to the sovereign were abolished; now they could only contact him through the mediation of Arakcheev. In the hands of Arakcheev were all the more or less important state affairs: the preparation of bills and their implementation, supervision of the activities of central and local government, appointments to positions.
According to E.E. Lyamin, Arakcheev was supposed to become "a kind of instrument of imperial power in the extremely complex relationship between the monarch and the nobility." In an effort to curb the short-sighted and selfish noble willfulness (the manifestations of which were different: from active rejection of constitutional principles in the early years of his reign and general hatred of Speransky to plots of regicide), Alexander could rely on Arakcheev as a personally devoted vassal to him, with equal hostility to to all court factions 1. After the end of the Napoleonic wars, Alexander returns to plans to reform the political system of the empire. The next step was the Polish question, which had long occupied Alexander. Most of The Duchy of Warsaw, which passed to Russia by decision of the Congress of Vienna, was called the Kingdom of Poland.
November 15, 1815 Alexander approved the constitution of the Kingdom of Poland. According to this constitution, Alexander I became the king of Poland. The Polish crown was declared hereditary for the Russian emperors, but their power on the territory of Poland was limited by the constitution. The administration of Poland was entrusted to the viceroy of the tsar, to whom Alexander appointed a general from the old Polish family I. Zayonchek. But in fact, the brother of the king, Grand Duke Konstantin, became the viceroy, appointing him commander-in-chief of the Polish armed forces. The supreme legislative power was exercised by the Seim, which met in its sessions once every two years for 30 days, and between sessions - the State Council, which acted constantly. The upper chamber of the Sejm consisted of persons appointed by the king, the lower chamber was elected by the citizens according to the estates. Everything public office were replaced only by Poles and official acts were drawn up in Polish. Inviolability of the person and home, freedom of the press were declared; Catholicism was the dominant religion, but freedom of religion was also guaranteed to other confessions. An equal court was introduced for all estates, with the independence and irremovability of judges with public proceedings. The Polish constitution was the most liberal constitutional act in Europe for that time. Granting it was for Alexander I a further step in the reorganization of the empire he planned.
As N.I. Turgenev, “from the moment the Russian armies returned to their country, liberal ideas, as they said then, began to spread in Russia. In addition to regular troops, large masses of the people's militia saw foreign countries ... The press of the former was engaged in what was happening in other countries, and especially in France, where the experience of introducing new institutions was made. As N.I. Grech, “our young, fiery, noble people had a zealous desire to bring triumph to liberal ideas, which means the rule of laws, ... the eradication of age-old abuses ... The government cannot desire and tolerate evil, but, apparently, its means are insufficient, honest people should help him." Existed in 1814-1816. the so-called pre-Decembrist associations were legal or semi-legal. In February 1816, the first Decembrist society arose - the Union of Salvation. Most of the members of all these organizations really hoped that the emperor himself would grant Russia a constitution and implement reforms.
In May 1816, Alexander I had a conversation with the adjutant wing, Colonel P.D. Kiselev, who toured a number of provinces in Russia, reported on everything he saw, and cautiously suggested the need to replace a number of officials who take bribes and implement some private reforms in public administration. Alexander answered: “We must now walk in even steps with Europe; lately she has become so enlightened that current situation we can no longer stay behind; but everything takes time ... to reduce abuse, of course, you should, but you won’t have time to do everything alone, there are no helpers, you see deceit all around ... I know that in management most people should be changed, and you are right that evil comes from higher , and from the bad choice of lower officials; but where to get them? I can’t even choose 52 governors, but I need thousands… Suddenly you can’t do everything, there are no assistants.”
At the beginning of 1816, the Estonian nobility announced their readiness to free the serfs. Already in 1804-1805. the peasants of the Baltic provinces received certain rights. On May 23, 1816, the "Regulations on the Estonian Peasants" were published. The peasants received personal freedom, but without land, which was declared the property of the landowners. Peasants were given the right to own land plots on a lease basis, and the opportunity to purchase them in the future by buying them from the landowner. On the other hand, a 14-year transition period is established, during which the landowner largely retained his power over the peasants. The peasants did not receive the right to freedom of movement and choice of occupation, and, thus, they turned into virtually powerless tenants or farm laborers. Nevertheless, the “Regulations on the Estonian Peasants” was the first act in several centuries of Russian history by which the authorities abolished serfdom, albeit on part of the territory of the vast Russian Empire. It was a public manifestation of the emperor's readiness to take concrete measures to free the peasants. (Under similar conditions, the peasants were released in August 1817 in Courland and in March 1819 in Livonia).
In the same year, 1816, there was a return to the practice of creating military settlements. This year, the 1st grenadier division was settled on the lands of the state peasants of the Novgorod province, in 1817 in the Kherson and Sloboda-Ukrainian provinces - the 3rd Ukrainian and Bug divisions. The emperor entrusted the direct command of the Ukrainian settlements to General K.O. Witt, above Novgorod - to Arakcheev, who, however, as chairman of the Military Department of the State Council, at the personal request of the monarch, oversaw the organization and the course of the whole thing. Now military settlements are being created on a different basis than before the war. This time, the inhabitants of the places intended for military settlements were not evicted, but turned into military settlers. Soldiers of the "active" (regular) infantry and cavalry units settled in them - two soldiers per settled family. All the settlers had to simultaneously engage in both agriculture and military service. Schools, hospitals, craft workshops were established in military settlements. The sons of military settlers from the age of 7 were enrolled in the "cantonists"; at first they, staying with their parents, studied reading, writing and counting at school, and from the age of 18 they were already transferred to military units.
The whole life of the military settlers was strictly regulated: on command, they had to get up, light a fire, heat the stove, go to work, and engage in military training. By order of the military authorities, marriages were arranged. Each category of military settlers had their own uniforms. The radical breaking of the former, habitual way of life was perceived by the villagers very painfully. But the extensive construction and road works, which were the cause of high mortality among the villagers, turned out to be especially difficult.
Arakcheev had to apply the most severe measures in suppressing the peasants and Cossacks who resisted the introduction of military settlements. In 1817 against the rebellious peasants of the Novgorod province, who stubbornly did not want to become settlers, even artillery was used. Mass execution in 1817-1818. were subjected to the Cossacks of the Kherson province, who did not want to switch to the position of military settlers. The wife of Grand Duke Nikolai, Alexandra Feodorovna, recalled that during the trip of the imperial family to Moscow, “there were places in some villages who begged on their knees that their situation should not be changed.” “The administrative handwriting of Arakcheev,” writes E.E. Lyamina, - was easily read in the methods of implementing the project, and contemporaries ... associated the arrangement of settlements with his name, although the initiative here belonged to the emperor, and the count himself invariably emphasized that he was only an unquestioning executor of the royal will; he explained with characteristic causticity the excessive cruelty that accompanied the introduction of settlements by the excessive zeal of his subordinates.
According to the memoirs of Alexandra Fedorovna, “at that time Arakcheev was the most active assistant to the emperor. He was necessary to him and worked with him daily. Almost everything went through his hands. This man was feared, no one loved him. Contemporaries did not cease to be amazed at the boundless rise of Arakcheev. It seemed to many that the emperor retired from the affairs of the internal administration of the empire, and handed it over to Arakcheev. Most of the nobility treated military settlements with condemnation. But in the presence of Arakcheev, "no one dared to speak of them except with the greatest praise", and at court "everything, without exception, bent before him."
In 1817-1818. work on general plan elimination of serfdom in Russia. The seriousness and fundamental nature of Alexander's intentions is evidenced by the fact that he chose Arakcheev as one of the executors of his plan, whom he trusted to develop to carry out his most secret plans.
Alexander continued to believe at that time that it was possible to free the peasants without any violence against the landlords - one had only to offer them favorable conditions (the experience of the Baltic states only strengthened him in this thought). He was never able to fully understand the true reasons that forced the Baltic nobility to seek the liberation of the serfs and at the same time pushed the Russian nobility to passive, but unshakable resistance to any emancipation. the steps of the government, the reasons due to the different levels of socio-economic development of the Russian provinces proper and the Baltic states. Therefore, in the recommendations given to Arakcheev before starting work, Alexander I persistently pursued the idea of the inadmissibility of any kind of violence on the part of the state against the landowners. The project was prepared in the greatest secrecy; Alexander feared both powerful opposition from the nobility and peasant unrest.
Arakcheev's project provided for the purchase of landowners' estates with serfs to the treasury "with the voluntary consent of the landlords." To sell serfs to the state, as it seemed to Arakcheev, the landlords should have been forced by the natural desire to get rid of debts and to farm on rational foundations- either by working with hired workers the land they have left, or by leasing it to the peasants. When released, the peasants received 2 acres of land per audit soul on a lease basis, but in the future they could acquire land as property. In February 1818 the project was presented to Alexander I and approved by him.
During these years, the Russian branch of the Bible Society, which set itself the task of publishing the books of Holy Scripture in the languages of the peoples of Russia and distributing them at a low price or free of charge, widely developed its activities. In reading the Bible, as the founders of the Society believed, “subjects learn to recognize their duties to God, sovereign and neighbor, and peace and love reign, then between the highest and the lowest.” The Biblical Society, which had as its ultimate goal the fusion of all Christian denominations, well reflected the nature of that religious enlightenment, which Alexander was ready to recognize as the basis of the society he desired. It included representatives of all Christian denominations existing in Russia (except Catholics). The Bible Society received funds for its activities from contributions from members of the Society and private donations. Alexander I donated 25 thousand rubles. Prince A.N. Golitsyn, who held the post of chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod and chairman of the Main Directorate of Spiritual Affairs of various confessions, was appointed chairman of the Society. N.I. Grech, who called Golitsyn "the confidant of the emperor's soul", wrote: "Whoever did not belong to the Biblical Society, there was no way either in the service or at court." Golitsyn's main opponent was Arakcheev. “The prince showed contempt for him and never even bowed. Alexander apparently liked this according to the rule: divide et impera.
In addition to publishing the Bible, the Bible Society promoted the spread of schools of mutual learning, took an active part in charitable works. However, many Orthodox hierarchs expressed dissatisfaction with participation in the Society of the Heterodox and the publication of mystical literature. Mysticism spread widely in noble circles. The Bible Society was also accused of ties with secret societies, the purpose of which was to "shake religion and the throne." Among the clergy, the creation in 1817 caused disapproval. "double" Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education under the control of the same A.N. Golitsyn. The Synod became one of the departments of the Ministry. In the creation of the "double Ministry", as in the earlier measures of the confessional policy of Alexander I, the principle of religious indifference of the state was clearly manifested. “The authorities of enlightened absolutism ... saw in the discord of confessions only annoying for the systematic education of society in accordance with their plans,” wrote A.E. Presnyakov. In addition, Alexander's sympathy for Freemasonry, who wanted to free people "from the religious errors of their ancestors," was also reflected here. Golitsyn's ministry was supposed to spread the religious and educational ideology of the Holy Alliance in Russia. In 1818, a special committee, created under the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education, was instructed to harmonize the teaching of all sciences with faith in God and the principle of autocratic power.
On March 15 (27), 1818, the first meeting of the Sejm was opened in Warsaw. Alexander made a speech in which he announced his intention to introduce a constitutional order similar to the Polish one throughout Russia: thoughts and whose salutary influence I hope, with the help of God, to extend to all countries entrusted by Providence to my care. Thus, you have given me a means to show my fatherland what I have been preparing for it for a long time and what it will use when the beginnings of such an important matter reach the proper maturity.
For the emperor's inner circle, these thoughts were by no means new, but, uttered publicly not only to all of Russia, but to the whole world, they became, one might say, a sensation. “You are called,” the emperor said further, turning to the Poles, “to give a great example to Europe, which is fixing its eyes on you,” to prove that the principles of “lawfully free” institutions are needlessly confused with revolutionary ones, while they, if carried out reasonably, “Absolutely consistent with the order.” A month later, in a speech at the closing session of the Sejm, Alexander stated that he highly appreciated the “independence of opinions” of the Sejm’s chosen ones, for “the freely elected should also argue freely.”
Alexander's speeches spread like lightning throughout Russia. Among the landlords, they were interpreted as evidence of the imminent liberation of the peasants. Neither among the influential landowners, nor among the highest bureaucracy and aristocracy, no one expressed approval of the plans of the emperor. But Alexander's Warsaw speeches made a strong impression on the minds of the liberal-minded Russian people, as well as many members of the Decembrists' new secret society, the Welfare Union, strengthening their hopes for the tsar's constitutional intentions. N.M. Karamzin wrote: “Warsaw speeches resonated strongly in young hearts: they sleep and see the constitution; judging, rowing ... "
In April 1818, Alexander issued a constitutional "Charter for the formation of the Bessarabian region." The Supreme Council of the region, consisting of 5 appointed members and 6 deputies elected from the nobility, was endowed with legislative and administrative powers. His decisions were final and not subject to approval by the emperor. In May-June of the same year, on behalf of Alexander I, in the office of the Minister of Justice N.N. Novosiltsev, work began on a constitution for Russia - the "State Charter of the Russian Empire" - in the spirit of the principles of the Polish constitution of 1815. In 1818 a law was issued that allowed state, specific and landlord peasants, and free cultivators to establish factories and plants. Work continued on the project for the liberation of the peasants.
To develop the basics peasant reform A special secret committee was created. The final project for the liberation of the peasants was never created, but the surviving materials show that the authors sought to propose measures that could lead to the destruction of the community and the creation of a capitalist society in Russia. Agriculture farm type.
During these years, books by K.I. Arseniev "Russian statistics", A.P. Kunitsyna "Natural Law", N.I. Turgenev "Experience in the theory of taxes", which outlined educational ideas, and K.I. Arseniev openly declared the dangers of serfdom. The Spirit of Journals published and commented on the texts of Western European constitutions.
At the same time, in the course of work on the draft Charter, the fears of resistance from the nobility were so great that the work was carried out in the strictest secrecy, and not even in St. Petersburg, but in Warsaw. The direct authors of the constitutional project were the Frenchman P.I. Pechar-Deshan. During the work, Speransky's constitutional project was taken into account.
In June-August 1819 there was an indignation in the Sloboda-Ukrainian (Kharkov) province. Here, in the Chuguevsky and Taganrog districts, there were 28 thousand military settlers. The rebels protested against their conversion to military settlers. In a report to the emperor, Arakcheev wrote: “No convictions affect the rebels and ... they all ... shout the following: we don’t want a military settlement, which is nothing more than a service to Count Arakcheev, and not to the Sovereign, and we took decisive measures exterminate the count and we probably know that with his end the military settlement collapses. According to the memoirs of N.K. Grech, “Arakcheev shamelessly deceived the emperor, indulging him, whims, assured him of the welfare and contentment of the soldiers, and attributed the outbreak to the influence of malicious people and foreign emissaries.” Regular troops were brought in to put down the rebellion. 2003 participants in the uprising were arrested. 54 of the most active participants in the uprising were punished with gauntlets, 29 of them were beaten to death.
During these years, Alexander again returns to the idea of abdicating the throne. A.N. Arkhangelsky notes that the emperor spoke of the desire to “throw off the burden of the crown” precisely when he was most afraid of elimination (in September 1812, in preparation for the reforms of 1818-1820, etc. ). The emperor "as if forestalls a possible strike, as if he is persuading everyone: don't worry, ... I'll leave myself, ... you just need to choose a convenient time." But this does not mean that he did not seriously consider the possibility of renunciation. Summer-autumn 1819. between members of the imperial family, the question of the possible abdication of Alexander and its consequences was discussed. It turned out that the Grand Duke Konstantin categorically refuses to reign, and, consequently, Nikolai Pavlovich becomes the heir. According to the memoirs of Nicholas I, Alexander said, “that he feels that his strength is weakening, that in our century sovereigns, in addition to other qualities, need physical strength and health to endure great and constant labors; ... and that therefore he decided ... to renounce reign from the moment when he feels the time for this.
By May 1820, the constitutional draft was completely ready and sent to the emperor. The Charter proclaimed the creation of the State Seimas (or the State Duma), consisting of the Senate (its members were appointed by the emperor) and the Chamber of Ambassadors (this should include elected "zemstvo ambassadors" and deputy of district urban societies). The State Diet was convened every 5 years for 30 days. Without the consideration and approval of the Sejm, the monarch could not issue laws, but the legislative initiative belonged exclusively to the emperor, he could reject any law approved by the Sejm. The emperor was the head of the executive branch. The General Assembly of the State Council became the center of the legislative, executive and judicial powers. Some of the judges were to be elected. Ministers were subject to trial in case of violation of laws and "Charter". The Seimas discussed and approved the state budget "They declared freedom of speech, religion (however, Orthodoxy remained the dominant religion, and political and civil equality was provided only for Christians), the equality of all before the law, the independence of the judiciary, the inviolability of the person, the right to private property was guaranteed (it was understood that serfs are not included in the number of citizens. In general, nothing was said about serfdom in the draft. The class structure of society, therefore, did not change). Voting rights were granted to nobles and townspeople who had real estate, "eminent citizens" (scientists, artists, bankers), merchants of the first two guilds and craftsmen.
The “letter” provided for the federal structure of the country, which was divided into governorships, where bicameral diets were also created to consider local laws, and sometimes, at the suggestion of the emperor, also public ones. These Seimas elect "zemstvo ambassadors" and deputies (but these persons must be approved by the emperor). The governor appointed by the monarch governs with the assistance of the Government Council (from members appointed from the ministries) and the General Assembly - some of its members were elected in the provinces that are part of the governorship. In development of the Charter Charter, it was necessary to develop Organic Statutes for each vicegerency.
“The bourgeois character of the Charter of 1820 is undeniable,” writes S.V. Mironenko, as well as her pronounced patrimonial character. In principle, not a single issue could be resolved without the monarch. The monarch's right to intervene in the formation of the lower house of viceroyalty and nationwide Seimas in practice meant a violation of the principle of separation of powers and a step backwards in comparison with the Polish constitution. “By limiting autocratic arbitrariness, introducing it into certain legal frameworks, the draft constitution of 1820 nevertheless retained the dominant position of the autocrat in all areas of public life”0. The implementation of the project was, according to Alexander I, to destroy the dependence of the imperial power on the metropolitan noble-bureaucratic environment that weighed on him, ensure the unity of the empire by completely merging Finland and Poland with it, and guarantee the rapid implementation of government policy on the ground.
The insignificant amount of political rights granted to the population, the preservation of all power in the hands of the sovereign and his deputies coordinated such projects with the preservation of all the fullness of autocracy, which Alexander was not going to sacrifice as personal power. Be that as it may, the Charter, if put into effect, would mean new stage in the history of Russia. Alexander approved the text of the Charter. Novosiltsev drew up a draft manifesto announcing to the "kind and faithful subjects" of the emperor about the granting of a constitution, with a reassuring statement that it did not introduce anything essentially new into political system, but only arranges and develops the principles inherent in it. However, neither the manifesto nor the Charter were made public. Why did Alexander once again abandon his plans? Many contemporaries and researchers point out that Alexander was influenced by the revolutionary events in Europe that unfolded in 1820, the rebellion of the Semenovsky regiment and the growth of peasant unrest in Russia. In addition, as S.B. Mironenko, the implementation of the planned reforms was prevented by the powerful and quite definite resistance of the overwhelming majority of the nobility. A very narrow social stratum was striving for transformations. Among the ruling elite, the changes were sympathized with and a tiny group of top bureaucrats, although led by the tsar, strove for them. The only thing that could ensure the implementation of reforms under these conditions was the government's violence against its own social support. But this is precisely what Alexander feared. However, Alexander did not completely abandon his plans. In the summer of 1820, Alexander I spoke to P.A. Vyazemsky - one of the employees of N.N. Novosiltsev, that “he hopes to bring the reforms to the desired end without fail, that even at this time, one lack of money needed for such a state turnover slows down the activation of an idea that is sacred to him; that he knows how much this transformation will encounter difficulties, ... contradictions in people, whose prejudices ... attribute many disastrous modern events to these political rules. The “riots” taking place in Europe are not a consequence, but an abuse of liberal ideas and principles.
Brilliant opportunities for major reforms in the country. The reformist intentions of the king coincided with the general expectation of change in all sections of the population.
The free-thinking nobility dreamed and talked aloud about the future constitution. The peasants, who defended their homeland in the fight against the enemy, hoped for the abolition of serfdom. Many peoples of the Russian Empire (especially the Poles) expected from the tsar the approach of Russian laws to Western Europe, relaxations in national policy. Alexander I could not but reckon with these sentiments.
But he had to take into account something else: the conservative layers of the nobility accepted the victory over Napoleon as another evidence of the superiority of Russian orders over Western European ones, the uselessness and harmfulness of reforms. The restoration of the old governments in Europe was the signal for them to turn around in domestic politics. It was impossible to allow rapid changes that threatened the country with revolutionary chaos.
With this in mind, Alexander I, without abandoning the idea of reforms, was forced to develop them in the strictest confidence. If the proposals of the Unspoken Committee and Speransky were constantly discussed both in high society and on the streets of the capitals, then new reform projects were prepared by a narrow circle of people in an atmosphere of complete secrecy.
"Polish experiment". The first experience of the constitution in Russia.
The first problem that Alexander tried to solve after graduation wars, was the granting of a constitution to Poland. The constitution developed in 1815 guaranteed the inviolability of the person, freedom of the press, abolished such forms of punishment as deprivation of property and exile without a court decision, obliged the use of the Polish language in all government institutions and appoint only subjects of the Kingdom of Poland to state, judicial and military posts. The head of the Polish state was declared the Russian emperor, who had to take an oath of allegiance to the adopted constitution. Legislative power belonged to the Sejm and the Tsar, which consisted of two chambers. The lower house of the Sejm was elected from the cities and from the nobility. The right to vote was limited by age and property qualifications. The Sejm was supposed to meet twice a year and work in total for no more than a month. Not having the right to pass laws, the Sejm could only submit an appeal for a proposal to adopt them addressed to emperor. The bills were to be discussed in the State Council.
The Polish constitution was the first such document on the territory of the Russian Empire. She removed for a while the tension in relations between the authorities and the Polish population. Emperor Alexander I personally came to Warsaw in 1815 to adopt a constitution. He appeared before the public dressed in a Polish uniform and girded with a ribbon of the Polish Order of the White Eagle. All this led the Polish nobility into a state of delight and inspired hopes for further expansion of the independence of the Kingdom of Poland and the growth of its territory at the expense of the Ukrainian and Belarusian lands of the former Commonwealth.
These sentiments passed very soon. If the Poles considered the adoption of the constitution the beginning of the path to complete independence, then Emperor Alexander believed that he did so for Poland too much. The Polish constitution was the biggest step of Alexander I on the path of reforms during his entire reign. Along with the laws adopted earlier for Finland, he considered the "Polish experiment" as the beginning of the path for all of Russia to a common constitution for it. Speaking in Warsaw in 1818 at the opening of the Sejm, he bluntly declared to the audience: "You are called to set a great example for Europe, which is fixing its eyes on you." Witnesses of this speech were also struck by other words of the emperor, who said that he had been "continuously thinking" for many years about the introduction of a constitution in Russia.
The reform project of N. N. Novosiltsev.
Less than a year after the tsar's speech in Warsaw, a draft constitution drawn up by N.N. Novosiltsev lay on his table.
Nikolai Nikolaevich Novosiltsev (1761-1838) was brought up in the house of Count A. S. Stroganov, as he was the illegitimate son of his sister. In 1783 he began military service with the rank of captain. He distinguished himself in the war with Sweden in 1788-1790. Soon Novosiltsev became friends with Alexander Pavlovich. In the service, he not only distinguished himself by military prowess, but also proved himself to be a talented diplomat and statesman. Novosiltsev became one of the members of the Unspoken Committee and enjoyed the tsar's special confidence. From 1813 he served in various posts in the Kingdom of Poland.
It was to him that Alexander entrusted the development of a constitutional project. This choice was explained not only by Novosiltsev's personal closeness to the emperor, but also by the need to take into account the "Polish experience", as well as the remoteness of the author of the reform from the court, which made it possible to ensure the secrecy of the project.
In 1820 Novosiltsev's project was ready. It was called the Charter of the Russian Empire. Its main point was the proclamation of the sovereignty not of the people, as was written in most constitutions, but of the imperial power. At the same time, the draft proclaimed the creation of a bicameral parliament, without the approval of which the tsar could not issue a single law. True, the right to submit draft laws to parliament belonged to the tsar. He also headed the executive branch. It was supposed to provide the citizens of Russia with freedom of speech, religion, the equality of all before the law, the inviolability of the individual, the right to private property were proclaimed.
As in the drafts of Speransky, in the Charter, the concept of "citizens" was understood only as representatives of the "free estates", which did not include serfs. Nothing was said about serfdom itself in the draft. The "statutory charter" assumed a federal structure of the country, divided into governorships. In each of them it was also supposed to create bicameral parliaments. The power of the emperor was still enormous, but still limited. Together with the charter, draft manifestos were prepared, putting into effect the main provisions of the Charter. However, they were never signed.
Refusal to carry out reforms in the early 1920s.
By the end of his reign, Emperor Alexander was faced with the fact that his reform projects caused not only rejection, but also active opposition from the majority of the nobles. From the sad experience of his father, he understood what this could threaten him with.
At the same time, a revolutionary movement was growing throughout Europe, which influenced Russian society and aroused the tsar's fear for the fate of the country. Experiencing, on the one hand, the pressure of the nobles, and on the other hand, the fear of popular uprisings, Alexander began to curtail his reform plans.
Moreover, a backward movement also began: decrees were issued that again allowed the landowners to exile peasants to Siberia for "impudent deeds", the serfs were again forbidden to file complaints against their masters; increased supervision over the content of newspapers, magazines, books; officials were forbidden to publish any works “concerning internal and external relations” without the permission of their superiors Russian state. In 1822, fearing the influence of revolutionary ideas on Russian society, the emperor banned the activities of all secret organizations in the country and began persecuting their members.
Unresolved issues public life superimposed on the personal experiences of Alexander I, who lost in short term his daughters and sister. In this, as in the fire of Moscow in 1812, and in the terrible flood of 1824 in St. Petersburg, the tsar saw God's punishment for the martyrdom of his father. Hence the strengthening of the emperor's religiosity, and then mysticism. “By calling on religion to help me,” Alexander said, “I gained that calmness, that peace of mind, which I would not exchange for any bliss of the world around here.” In the interests of the Russian Orthodox Church he banned the activities of the Jesuit order, which led the propaganda of Catholicism in the country. For amplification religious foundations education, the king renamed the Ministry of Public Education into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education. Educational institutions have significantly increased the number of hours devoted to religious instruction.
The main results of the domestic policy of Alexander I.
How can one explain such changes in the domestic policy of the king? Why did the urgent reforms fail to be implemented? main reason Alexander became afraid to share the fate of his deceased father, who in his policy tried to disregard the interests of the majority of the nobles.
An important reason was the fact that the reformer tsar had no one to rely on in the implementation of his plans - there were not enough smart, capable people. Alexander once exclaimed in his hearts: “Where can I get them? ... All of a sudden you can't do everything, there are no assistants ... ”The number of consistent supporters of reforms in society was also very small. Another reason was the inconsistency of the general idea of transformations - to combine liberal reforms with the preservation of the foundations of the existing system: the constitution - with autocracy, the liberation of the peasants - with the interests of the majority of the nobles. The secrecy of the development of reform plans made it very easy for the king to refuse ready-made projects. A significant role in all this was played by the personal qualities of the emperor - the instability of his mood, duplicity, and a tendency to mysticism that developed over the years.
Despite the fact that many reform initiatives were never implemented, the domestic policy of Alexander I, the projects developed on his behalf, prepared the ground for large-scale economic and political reform of Russia in the future.
? Questions and tasks
1. Why did Alexander I not use the significant strengthening of his authority after the war to continue reforms?
2. How can one explain the activation of anti-reformist sentiments in high society after the war?
3. Why did Alexander I agree to give Poland the most democratic constitution in Europe at that time?
4. How can one explain the order of the tsar to N. N. Novosiltsev to develop a constitutional project for the whole country?
5. What were the main reasons for the refusal to carry out reforms in the early 1920s? 6. Give a general assessment of the domestic policy of Alexander I.
Document
From the speech of Alexander I in the Polish Sejm. March 1818
You are called to set a great example for Europe, which is fixing its eyes on you. Prove to your contemporaries that legally free ordinances, which the sacred principles confuse with destructive doctrine, which in our time threatened the disastrous fall of the social order, are not a dangerous dream, but, on the contrary, such decrees, when they are carried out according to the rightness of the heart and are sent with pure intention to achieve a goal useful and saving for mankind, then they are completely consistent with order and general assistance, affirm the true well-being of peoples.
Assignment to the document: Please rate the following passage.
Expanding vocabulary:
Jesuits- members of a Catholic monastic organization (order), which aimed to strengthen and spread Catholicism and the power of the Pope.
Mysticism- belief in the mysterious, inexplicable to the human mind.
Qualification- a condition that limits the participation of a person in the exercise of certain rights, in particular in elections.
Danilov A. A. History of Russia, XIX century. Grade 8: textbook. for general education institutions / A. A. Danilov, L. G. Kosulina. - 10th ed. - M.: Enlightenment, 2009. - 287 p., L. ill., maps.
Download history materials for grade 8, download a summary of history, textbooks and books for free, school program online
The period of the reign of Alexander I, which came after the war of 1812 and the defeat of Napoleonic France, was traditionally considered both by contemporaries and in scientific literature as a period of dull reaction. He was opposed to the first, liberal, half of the reign of Alexander I. Indeed, in 1815-1825. in the internal policy of the autocracy, conservative, protective principles are sharply strengthened. A strict police regime is being established in Russia, associated with the name of A.A. Arakcheev, who played an important role in government. However, A.A. Arakcheev, with all his influence, in principle was only an executor of the will of the monarch.
Alexander I, however, did not immediately abandon the liberal undertakings characteristic of the first half of his reign. In November 1815, the emperor approved the constitution for the part of Poland annexed to Russia according to the decisions of the Vienna Congress (the Kingdom of Poland). The Kingdom of Poland received a fairly wide autonomy. The power of the Russian monarch in Poland was limited to a certain extent by the local representative body with legislative functions - the Sejm. The Sejm consisted of two chambers - the Senate and the Chamber of Ambassadors.
Senators were appointed for life by the monarch. They could be representatives of the royal family, the higher clergy, large landowners. The embassy chamber consisted of 128 deputies, of which 77 were elected by the nobles (for 6 years) at the gentry sejmiks, and 51 at the commune (volost) meetings. All nobles who had reached the age of 21 and possessed real estate, as well as other property owners, manufacturers, workshop owners, professors, teachers, etc., received voting rights. Peasants were not allowed to vote. However, by the standards of that time, the electoral system established in the Kingdom of Poland was quite progressive. So, if in France in 1815 80 thousand people received voting rights, then in Poland, with a population several times smaller than the population of France, 100 thousand people had these rights.
The granting of a constitution to the Kingdom of Poland was considered by Alexander I as the first step towards the introduction of a representative form of government in the Russian Empire. The corresponding hint was made by him in March 1818 in a speech delivered at the opening of the Polish Sejm. On behalf of Alexander I, one of the former members of the Unspoken Committee (N.N. Novosiltsev) began work on a draft constitution for Russia. The document prepared by him (State statutory charter of the Russian Empire) introduced the federal principle of state structure; legislative power was divided between the emperor and the bicameral parliament - the Sejm, consisting (as in Poland, of the Senate and the Chamber of Ambassadors); The statutory charter granted the citizens of the Russian Empire freedom of speech, religion, press, and guaranteed the inviolability of the individual. Nothing was said about serfdom in this document.
In 1818-1819. Alexander I made attempts to solve the peasant question. The king instructed several dignitaries to prepare the corresponding projects at once, and among them - A.A. Arakcheev. The latter developed a plan for the gradual elimination of serfdom by buying out the landlord peasants with their allotment of the treasury. For this purpose, it was planned to allocate 5 million rubles annually. or issue special treasury notes bearing interest. A. A. Arakcheev's proposals were approved by the emperor.
However, plans for political reform and the abolition of serfdom remained unrealized. In 1816-1819. only the peasants of the Baltic states received personal freedom. At the same time, the landowners retained full ownership of all land. For the lease of landlords' land, the peasants were still obliged to perform corvée service. Numerous restrictions (for example, restriction of the right to change the place of residence) significantly curtailed the personal freedom of the peasants. The "free" farm laborers could be subjected to corporal punishment by the landowner. Thus, numerous remnants of the former feudal relations were preserved in the Baltic states as well.
By 1821-1822 the refusal of Alexander I from any transformations became a fait accompli. The supporters of change were a tiny minority in ruling circles. The tsar himself, convinced of the impossibility of carrying out any serious reforms under these conditions, in his views evolved more and more to the right. It was a painful process that ended for Alexander I with a severe spiritual crisis. Abandoning reforms, the tsar headed for strengthening the foundations existing system. The internal political course of the autocracy from 1822-1823. characterized by a transition to a frank reaction. However, since 1815 the practice government controlled in many essential respects, it contrasted sharply with the liberal undertakings of the monarch that were conceived and partially implemented. An increasingly tangible factor in Russian reality was the onset of reaction along all lines.
Rigid and senseless drill was planted in the army. The most visible embodiment of the police regime that was being established in the country was the military settlements. For the first time in the reign of Alexander I, they were organized as early as 1810, but they became widespread from 1816. By the end of the reign of Alexander I, about 375 thousand state peasants were transferred to the position of military settlers, which accounted for about a third of the Russian army, which, obviously , in the future it was supposed to make everything "settled". By creating military settlements, the autocracy hoped to solve several problems at once.
First of all, this made it possible to reduce the cost of maintaining the army, which was extremely important when finances were upset in last years the reign of Alexander I. The peasants, who were transferred to the category of military settlers, combined agricultural work with military affairs. Thus, the armed forces were transferred to "self-sufficiency". On the other hand, the "settlement" of the army was supposed to ensure its recruitment in peacetime due to natural growth in military settlements. Thus, in the future, it was possible to eliminate recruitment - one of the most burdensome peasant duties. In the person of the military settlers, a special caste was created, isolated from the bulk of the peasantry, and therefore, as it seemed to the ruling circles, capable of being a reliable support for the existing order. Finally, the transfer of state-owned peasants to the category of military settlers strengthened the administrative supervision of the state village.
The settled troops formed a separate corps of military settlements, commanded by A.A. Arakcheev. The life of the villagers was a real hard labor. They did not have the right to go to work, engage in trade or fishing. The military settlers experienced the double hardships of soldier and peasant life. From the age of 12, their children were selected from their parents and transferred to the category of cantonists (soldier's children), and from the age of 18 they were considered to be on the valid military service. The whole life of the military settlers was subject to a strict barracks routine and was strictly regulated. Arbitrariness of the authorities reigned in the settlements, there was a system of inhuman punishments.
The military settlements did not justify the hopes that the ruling circles associated with them. However, Alexander I, convinced of the expediency of the "settlement" of the army, with tenacity worthy of a better application, defended the course taken, stating that military settlements "will be at all costs, even if the road from St. Petersburg to Chudov had to be laid with corpses. ".
The onset of reaction was also manifested in the government's policy in the field of education. In 1817, the Ministry of Public Education was transformed into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education. It concentrated the management of both church affairs and issues of public education. The influence of religion on cultural life countries has increased. The attack on the universities began immediately. In 1819, Kazan University, recognized as a hotbed of free-thinking, underwent a real defeat. 11 professors were fired for being unreliable. The teaching of all subjects was restructured in the spirit of Christian doctrine, understood in a very primitive way, which could in no way contribute to the development of a religious feeling. The behavior of students was placed under petty and rigid administrative guardianship.
In 1821, an attack began on the newly established St. Petersburg University. The most prominent scientists - M.A. Balugyansky, K.I. Arseniev, K.F. German and others were expelled from there on charges of propagating the ideas of the French Revolution. Censorship was significantly tightened, which did not allow even reviews of the performance of the actors of the imperial theaters to be printed, since the actors were in the public service and their criticism could be regarded as criticism of the government. Various circles of a religious, mystical nature launched an active activity.
In this regard, the Bible Society, founded in 1812, stood out in particular. It sought to unite representatives of various Christian denominations to combat the international ideas of progress and revolution, opposing them with cosmopolitan religious principles. However, the tendency towards a well-known equation of Orthodoxy with other confessions, manifested in the activities of both the Bible Society and the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education, caused dissatisfaction among the Orthodox clergy, who did not want to give up their privileged status. As a result, the Bible Society fell into disgrace, and in 1824 the former procedure for managing the affairs of the Orthodox Church and public education was restored, which again passed respectively into the competence of two independent authorities - the Synod and the Ministry of Public Education.
The conservative-protective principles were also embodied in the practical measures taken by the autocracy in relation to the peasantry. So, until 1815, the law formally remained in force, according to which only the peasants, who were registered as landowners according to the first two revisions, could not “seek liberty”. Now all other categories of the landowning peasantry have also lost this right.
Strengthening of the reaction since the beginning of the 20s of the XIX century. was clearly manifested, again, in measures aimed at strengthening the power of the landowners over the peasants. In 1822, Alexander I approved the decision of the State Council "On the sending of serfs for bad deeds to Siberia for settlement." This act restored the right of landlords, canceled by the tsar in 1809, to exile peasants to Siberia. The only difference between the former, which existed until 1809, and the new one, introduced in 1822, was that earlier landowners could send serfs to hard labor, and now they can be sent to settlement. In accordance with the clarification that followed in 1823, the courts were not supposed to deal with the cases of the peasants exiled to the settlement. Thus, even those insignificant concessions to the serfs, which Alexander I made in the initial period of his reign, were significantly curtailed.
It has undergone changes since the early 20s of the XIX century. and the policy of Alexander I towards Poland. The Sejm of the second convocation turned out to be disobedient. In 1820, by a majority vote, he rejected the bills submitted for his approval as violating the constitution. After that, Alexander I did not convene the diet at all during the two terms provided for by the constitution. Thus, in the end, it was not the orders established in Poland that extended to Russia, but, on the contrary, the absolutist principles that dominated all other parts of the empire were gradually established in Poland. In the context of the further offensive of the reaction, Alexander I died in Taganrog in November 1825.
