Biography of Alexander 3 summary. Reign of Alexander III
On March 10 (February 26, old style), 1845 - exactly 165 years ago - the following message was printed in the Vedomosti of the St. Petersburg City Police: " On February 26, Her Imperial Highness the Grand Duchess Tsesarevna and Grand Duchess Maria Alexandrovna was successfully relieved of her burden by the Grand Duke, named Alexander. This happy event was announced to the residents of the capital at three o'clock in the afternoon with three hundred and one cannon shots from the bastions of the Peter and Paul Fortress, and in the evening the capital was illuminated". Thus, the second son of Emperor Alexander II, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich, entered into life, who, by the will of fate, was destined to become Emperor of Russia Alexander III.
"In the whole world we have only two faithful allies - our army and navy. All the rest, at the first opportunity, will take up arms against us."
"Russia - for Russians and in Russian"
By God's hastening mercy, Alexander the Third, Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia, Moscow, Kiev, Vladimir, Novgorod, Tsar of Kazan, Tsar of Astrakhan, Tsar of Poland, Tsar of Siberia, Tsar of Tauric Chersonis, Tsar of Georgia; Sovereign of Pskov and Grand Duke of Smolensk, Lithuanian, Volyn, Podolsk and Finland; Prince of Estonia, Livonia, Courland and Semigalsky, Samogitsky, Belostoksky, Korelsky, Tversky, Yugorsky, Permsky, Vyatsky, Bulgarian and others; Sovereign and Grand Duke of Novgorod Nizovsky lands, Chernigov, Ryazan, Polotsk, Rostov, Yaroslavl, Beloozersky, Udora, Obdorsky, Kondia, Vitebsk, Mstislav and all Northern countries Princes and other hereditary Sovereign and Possessor, Sovereign of Turkestan, Heir of Norway, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, Stormarn, Ditmarsen and Oldenburg and others, and others, and others
Later, contemporaries and descendants will call Alexander III the Tsar the Peacemaker: this is due to the fact that during his reign, Russia did not wage a single war. But not only this is his merit, for 13 years of his reign he managed to do a lot for Russia, for which the Russian people were grateful to him and considered him truly theirs. Enemies of Russia are still afraid and hate this Russian Tsar.
Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich in childhood
Zaryanko S.K. Portrait of Grand Duke Tsesarevich Alexander Alexandrovich 1867
(State Russian Museum)
The family... the family from early childhood to the end of his life was the basis for Emperor Alexander III. " If there is something good, good and honest in Me, then I owe this only to our dear dear Mama ... Thanks to Mama, we, all brothers and Marie, became and remained true Christians and fell in love with both faith and the Church ... "(from a letter of Emperor Alexander III to his wife Maria Feodorovna). Empress Maria Alexandrovna raised Alexander as a deeply religious and decent person with strong moral principles. He also owes her love for art, Russian nature, history. Alexander's education began at the age of eight and lasted twelve years. The obligatory list of lessons was as follows: the Law of God, world history, Russian history, mathematics, geography, Russian language, gymnastics, fencing, languages, etc. The teachers were the best people Russia: historian Professor S. M. Solovyov, philologist - Slavic professor F. I. Buslaev, academician Ya. K. Grot, the creator of Russian classical orthography, General M. I. Dragomirov., Professor K. P. Pobedonostsev. Alexander considered M. Yu. Lermontov his favorite poet, knew German, French and English languages, but in communication he used only Russian.
Jokers... the famous Romanov pyramid
In the photo: Prince Albert of Altenburg, Grand Duke Alexander, his brother Vladimir and Prince Nicholas of Leuchtenberg
But still, the boy was mainly prepared for a military career and it was not expected that he would rule the state. On the day of his birth, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich, by the Highest Order, was enrolled in the Life Guards Hussars, Preobrazhensky and Pavlovsky regiments and was appointed chief of the Astrakhan Carabinieri His Imperial Highness Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich Regiment. But ... in April 1865 in Nice, the heir to the throne, Tsarevich Nikolai Alexandrovich, dies from a serious illness and the century-old Prince Alexander Alexandrovich, according to the will of Emperor Alexander II, becomes heir to the throne.
Grand Duchess Maria Feodorovna and Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich
Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich Photo 1873
Khudoyarov V.P. Portrait of Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich
Unknown artist Portrait of Grand Duchess Maria Feodorovna 1880
Mihai Zichy Wedding of Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich and Maria Feodorovna
On October 28, 1865, Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich entered into marriage with the fiancée of his elder brother Nikolai Alexandrovich, the daughter of the Danish king Christian IX, Dagmar, who adopted the name Maria Feodorovna in Orthodoxy. This marriage was happy, six children were born in love, although the fate of some was very tragic.
Sverchkov N. Alexander III 1881
(State Palace-Museum of Tsarskoye Selo)
Communion of the Holy Mysteries by Sovereign Emperor Alexander III during the coronation 1883
Alexander Alexandrovich ascended the throne on March 14 (March 1, according to the old style), 1881, 36 years old, after the villainous murder of Alexander II by Narodnaya Volya. The coronation took place on May 28 (May 15, old style), 1883, after the end of mourning for his father. And immediately it was necessary to solve important state affairs, and one of them was the one that his father did not have time to complete. Dane Beshorn, author of "Allexandre III et Nicolas II" says: "... Not a single monarch ascended the throne under such circumstances as Emperor Alexander III. Before he had time to recover from the first horror, he immediately had to resolve the most important, most urgent matter - the project presented by Count Loris-Melikov constitution, allegedly approved already in principle by Emperor Alexander II.At first glance, Emperor Alexander III wanted to fulfill the last will of his parent, but his inherent prudence stopped him".
Kramskoy I. N. Portrait of Alexander III 1886
The reign of Alexander III was tough, but tough on those who wanted to destroy Russia. At the very beginning of the reign of Emperor Alexander III, it was announced: " The voice of God commands us to stand up cheerfully for the cause of government, trusting in the Divine Thought, with faith in the strength and truth of autocratic power, which we are called upon to establish and protect for the good of the people from any encroachments on it."By the mid-1880s, the government succeeded in suppressing the revolutionary movement, primarily the People's Will, through repressions. At the same time, a number of measures were taken to alleviate the financial situation of the people and alleviate social tension in society (the introduction of mandatory redemption and a reduction in redemption payments , the establishment of the Peasant Land Bank, the introduction of factory inspection, the gradual abolition of the poll tax, etc.). III Russia received the right to keep the fleet on the Black Sea, but the fleet did not exist, it appeared there only after the death of Emperor Alexander III.
Dmitriev-Orenburgsky N. Portrait of Emperor Alexander III 1896
Family of Emperor Alexander III
Alexander III was a connoisseur of art, very well versed in painting and had a good collection of Russian and foreign art. On the initiative of the Sovereign, the Russian Museum was opened in St. Petersburg. Officially it was called "The Russian Museum of Emperor Alexander III". The sovereign donated his collection, as well as the collection of Russian paintings of the Imperial Hermitage, to the new museum. The Museum of Fine Arts (now the State Museum of Fine Arts) was also named in honor of Emperor Alexander III. fine arts them. Pushkin in Moscow). Alexander III loved music, played the French horn, patronized P. I. Tchaikovsky, he himself participated in home concerts. Under him, the first university in Siberia was opened - in Tomsk, a project was prepared to create a Russian archaeological institute in Constantinople, founded the famous Historical Museum in Moscow.
Serov V.A. Emperor Alexander III in the form of the Royal Danish Life Guards Regiment against the background of the northern facade of Fredensborg Castle 1899
(Collection of the officer corps of the Royal Danish Life Guards)
As a person, Alexander III was simple, modest and unpretentious in everyday life, he did not like secular conversations and receptions. He was distinguished by frugality. The emperor was distinguished by his enormous physical strength. Grand Duchess Olga Alexandrovna, daughter of the emperor, recalled: " The father had the power of Hercules, but he never showed it in the presence of strangers. He said that he could bend a horseshoe and tie a spoon into a knot, but he did not dare to do this, so as not to arouse the wrath of his mother. Once, in his office, he bent and then straightened an iron poker. I remember how he glanced at the door, fearing that someone would come in..
Makarov I.K. Sermon on the Mount 1889
(the picture depicts the family of Alexander III and was painted after the tragedy in Borki)
During the tragic events at the Borki station of the Zmievsky district of the Kharkov province on October 30 (17 according to the old style) October 1888, the Emperor held the roof of the car on his shoulders while his whole family and other victims got out from under the rubble.
The family of Emperor Alexander III and the court retinue after the hunt 1886
Alexander III with his family on the hunt
Alexander III on the hunt
But the disease did not spare him. Emperor Alexander III did not like to be treated or talk about his illness. In the summer of 1894, hunting in Spala, among the swamps, further weakened the Emperor. On the advice of doctors, he immediately left from there for Livadia, and here he began to fade rapidly, surrounded by the cares of the best Russian foreign doctors and closest relatives. Emperor Alexander III died on October 20, 1894, at the age of 50, having reigned for 13 years, 7 months and 19 days ... remaining in memory as the most Russian Tsar of Russia.
Mihai Zichy Memorial service for Alexander III in his bedroom in the Small Palace in Livadia 1895
(State Hermitage, St. Petersburg)
Emperor Alexander III on his deathbed Photo 1894
Brozh K.O. The funeral of Alexander III in the Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg 1894
(State Hermitage, St. Petersburg)
On the grave of Emperor Alexander III
With a soul imbued with love and humility,
With the seal of goodness and peace on the forehead,
He was God-sent incarnation
Greatness, goodness and truth on earth.
In the days of trouble, in the dark, bleak time
Rebellious plans, disbelief and threats
He lifted the burden of royal power
And with faith to the end he carried the burden of God.
But not pride and the strength of formidable power,
Not with vain brilliance, not with blood and a sword -
He is a lie, and hostility, and flattery, and evil passions
Humbled and won only truth and kindness.
He glorified Russia, his feat is not a single
Not overshadowed by enmity, not demanding praise;
And - a quiet righteous man - before a righteous death,
Like the sun in the sky, shone over the world!
Human glory is smoke, and earthly life is mortal.
Greatness, noise and brilliance - everything will be silent, everything will pass!
But the glory of God is immortal and incorruptible:
The righteous king in native legends will not die.
He is alive and will live! And to the mountain abode
Exalted from the throne, before the King of kings
He prays - our King, our bright patron -
For the Son, for the Family, for Russia... for all people.
A. L. Golenishchev-Kutuzov
P.S. Most of paintings and photographs are clickable and enlarge to a large size.
Facts from articles used
"In everything, always, everywhere, He was a Christian..." A. Rozhintsev
"Emperor Alexander III. Tsar-Peacemaker" V.A. Teplov
The domestic policy of the tsar was of an autocratic nature, it was a time of departure from the ideas of liberalizing Russian society and strengthening the control of the central government over all spheres of state life. In the war against revolutionary terrorism waged by his father, Alexander III won.
He was born on February 26, 1845 and was the second son of Emperor Alexander II. Initially, no one prepared him for succession to the throne; he received a military engineering education, traditional for the Grand Dukes. However, Alexander's older brother, the heir to the throne, Nicholas fell ill and soon died. Despite the efforts of his father and outstanding teachers, it was not possible to fill the gaps in the education of Alexander III.
In the summer of 1866, Alexander III went on a trip to Europe and met the bride of his late brother, Princess Dagmar. And already on June 17, 1866, their engagement took place in Copenhagen. A few months later, the princess arrived in Kronstadt and, having converted to Orthodoxy, became Maria Feodorovna. The couple had a warm relationship all their lives.
In March 1881, Alexander II was killed by terrorists of the People's Volunteers. The new emperor, Alexander III, had to decide what policy he would pursue: continue the development of his father's reforms or give preference to the autocratic policy of his grandfather. As a result, Alexander III issued a manifesto "On the inviolability of autocracy" and launched a number of counter-reforms, which were aimed at partially curtailing the liberal undertakings of his father-reformer.
Alexander III made a significant contribution to the reorganization of the system of state and social relations: he eliminated the autonomy of universities, carried out reforms in the field of urban government. Under him, closed court proceedings were restored for political trials, he sought to strengthen the role of the local nobility in the life of society.
Alexander III went down in history as the Tsar-Peacemaker, since during the years of his reign, Russia did not participate in any serious military-political conflict of that time. At the same time, the sovereign did not compromise the interests of Russia, and it was under him that Russia was firmly entrenched in Central Asia, as close as possible to the colonial possessions of Great Britain. The revolutionary wave under him also came to naught.
The idea of a real Russian tsar-father, a hero with iron health, is associated with the personality of Alexander III. On October 17, 1888, near the Borki station, 50 km from Kharkov, a railway accident occurred, in which the royal family could also die. Saving the lives of his loved ones, Emperor Alexander held the collapsed roof of the car for about half an hour until help arrived. However, it is believed that as a result of this excessive exertion, kidney disease began to progress. Rapidly developing, already on October 20, 1894, she led Alexander III to death.
ALEXANDER III, Russian emperor[from 1 (13) March 1881] from the Romanov dynasty, crowned 15 (27) May 1883. Son of Emperor Alexander II, father of Emperor Nicholas II. Initially, he prepared for a military career traditional for the Grand Dukes. His main tutor is Adjutant General B. A. Perovsky. Alexander III became the heir to the throne after the death of his elder brother, Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich (1843-65). In 1865-66, he additionally took courses in civil law (K. P. Pobedonostsev), finance (F. G. Turner), Russian history (S. M. Solovyov) and a number of other courses. Alexander III was married (since 1866) to a Danish princess, daughter of King Christian IX Sophia Frederica Dagmar (in Orthodoxy, Maria Feodorovna, 1847-1928).
Initially, Alexander III attended the reports of ministers to Emperor Alexander II, in 1866 he was appointed a member of the State Council, in 1868 - a member of the Committee of Ministers, as well as the honorary chairman of the temporary commission for the collection and distribution of voluntary donations in favor of those affected by the crop failure of 1867. Head of the 1st Guards Infantry Division (since 1870), commander of the Guards Corps (since 1874). During the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 (see Russian-Turkish wars) he commanded the 40,000th Western (Rushchuk) detachment (awarded the Order of George, 2nd degree). Since 1878, he headed the Committee for the Arrangement of the Volunteer Fleet. Since 1880 - Commander of the Guards and the St. Petersburg Military District.
Alexander III ascended the throne after the murder of his father by the Narodnaya Volya. He considered acts of terrorism to be the result of a weakening state power as a result, mainly, of the Zemstvo reform of 1864 and the judicial reform of 1864. On March 8 (20) 1881, at a special meeting, he agreed with Pobedonostsev’s critical statements about the project of the Minister of the Interior, M. T. Loris-Melikov, which envisaged the creation of an advisory commission with the involvement of elected ones to discuss laws (approved by Emperor Alexander II on the eve of his death). Like Pobedonostsev, who influenced Alexander III until about the mid-1880s, he believed that Russia was “strong thanks to autocracy,” and convening a commission would be the first step towards introducing a constitution. In his manifesto dated April 29 (May 11), 1881, Alexander III declared the inviolability of autocracy. Accepted the resignation of the liberal-minded Loris-Melikov, Minister of Finance A. A. Abaza and Minister of War D. A. Milyutin.
Upon accession to the throne, Alexander III considered the main task of restoring "order" in the country, regarded the requests public figures on the pardon of the murderers of his father as "indecent" (five terrorists were publicly executed, in total 17 people were executed during the reign of Alexander III). To strengthen local power, Alexander III on 14 (26) 8/1881 issued a regulation “On measures to protect state order and public peace”, according to which any area of the empire could be transferred to the position of “strengthened protection”. At the same time, the governors received the right to issue binding decrees, refer cases of state crimes to the military court and approve sentences on them, close any commercial and industrial enterprises, suspend any publications, create supernumerary military police teams, detain any person for up to 3 months, dismiss officials of all departments and stop the activities of city and zemstvo institutions. In September 1881, 10 provinces, 6 counties, 3 cities and 3 townships were transferred to the position of enhanced security.
A special decision of Alexander III was demanded by the Jewish question, which arose before him immediately after accession to the throne in connection with anti-Jewish pogroms (in Elisavetgrad, Kiev, Odessa and other southern and southwestern cities in April 1881; in part they were associated with rumors of involvement Jews to the murder of Emperor Alexander II; according to the official version, the reason for the pogroms was the protest of the indigenous population against the seizure of trade and crafts by the Jews, their acquisition of significant land property). The investigation carried out convinced Alexander III, as he told the deputation from the Jews, that the pogroms were “the work of anarchists” who sought to prepare the people for revolutionary uprisings, and that in “criminal deeds in southern Russia, the Jews serve only as a pretext.” By order of Alexander III, in October 1881, the 5th Jewish Committee (see Jewish Committees) was created to develop new legislation on persons of the Jewish faith. The project he drew up formed the basis of the “Temporary Rules on the Jews” of 1882, according to which, in order to prevent inter-confessional strife, Jews were forbidden to settle again in the Pale of Settlement outside cities and towns, to acquire and rent real estate in rural areas (a number of other legislative acts provided additional restrictions for persons Jewish religion).
Alexander III, considering the press one of the main distributors of liberal sentiments, approved the Provisional Rules on the Press of 1882, according to which the meeting of the Ministers of the Interior, Public Education, Justice and the Chief Prosecutor of the Synod could close the periodical, which had repeatedly attacked the political system, morality and church (during the reign of Alexander III it was forbidden 7 and ceased to be published due to censorship persecution 8 of the existing more than 550 newspapers and magazines). To fight terrorists 3(15).12. 1883 Alexander III issued a regulation "On the organization of the secret police in the empire", in accordance with which a network of secret-investigative departments was created, which later received the name of security departments (see the Security Department). Their work led to a number of political trials (the most famous - in the case of the group of A. I. Ulyanov, who prepared an attempt on Alexander III in 1887; Alexander III rejected petitions for his pardon).
Alexander III considered frequent unrest in universities as a result of revolutionary propaganda, which was possible thanks to the liberal university charter of 1863, saw one of the reasons for the revolutionary moods of young people in the discrepancy, in his opinion, of the education received with the social status of students. In 1884, he approved a new university charter (eliminated the autonomy of universities), as well as rules on parochial schools (expanded their network). Alexander III shared the idea of Pobedonostsev about the need to provide the peoples of the empire with proportional access to education, especially access to educational establishments financed from tax revenues to the treasury. In accordance with it, in 1886, a percentage rate was introduced for the admission of persons of the Jewish faith to gymnasiums and universities: no more than 10% within the Pale of Settlement, 5% in the rest of Russia, 3% in the capitals. Average and more higher education for the people, Alexander III considered it superfluous, he even considered it terrible that a peasant "also climbs into the gymnasium." He approved a circular issued on behalf of the Minister of Public Education I. D. Delyanov dated 18 (30) 6/1887 (became known as the "circular about cook's children"), which limited the admission of children from "insufficient classes of the population" to secondary educational institutions.
Considering himself a "people's tsar", Alexander III sought to pursue a balanced social policy. He continued the course towards the preservation of the peasant community, according to his decrees, family divisions (1886), resettlement of peasants (1889) and alienation of peasant allotments (1893) were limited. He believed that the peasant world was negatively affected by the removal of the landowner from managing it after the abolition of serfdom, associated with this the decline in morality in the countryside, an increase in the number of crimes, including against landlord property. In this regard, Alexander III issued a Regulation dated 12 (24) 7/1889, according to which the zemstvo chiefs, who were appointed from among the local landowning nobles, were transferred to supervise peasant self-government. The law of 8 (20) 6/1893 also referred to their discretion the question of the expediency of peasant redistribution. Alexander III recognized the need to preserve elected local self-government, but believed that many zemstvo assemblies and city assemblies were more involved in politics than real activity. He approved the new Zemsky Regulations of 1890 and the City Regulations of 1892 (see City Regulations), which strengthened administrative control over local self-government.
Alexander III was outraged by the principle of the irremovability of judges (established by the judicial reform of 1864), which meant, from his point of view, the impunity of judges, he also considered it unacceptable that the accused had the opportunity to publicly express their position in political trials. In 1885, Alexander III established the Supreme Disciplinary Presence of senators, which received the right to dismiss and move judges, in 1887 he granted the Minister of Justice the right to prohibit public hearing in court of cases that could offend religious feeling, morality, affect the dignity of state power and harm public order . In April 1894, Alexander III ordered the revision of judicial charters to begin.
The reforms of Alexander III contributed to the decline of the revolutionary and liberal movement in the country. At the beginning of the 20th century, in the literature, the time of his reign was called the era of "counter-reforms", which were opposed to the "Great Reforms" of Emperor Alexander II. Alexander III himself believed that he had only completed his father's work, bringing innovations in line with Russian state traditions.
The conservative stabilization of society was combined in the era of the reign of Alexander III with a course towards intensive economic modernization of the country. The reason for the stagnation in agriculture Alexander III considered the growing debt of nobles and peasants to the treasury and credit institutions. By decree of December 28, 1881 (January 9, 1882), despite the acute state budget deficit, Alexander III introduced the mandatory redemption of allotments and lowered the redemption payments. He intended to expand peasant land ownership exclusively through the purchase of land by peasants on a general basis, but in no way at the expense of the estate fund; in 1882, he established the Peasant Land Bank to issue loans for the purchase of land. Alexander III also sought to prevent the ruin of the local nobility; in 1885, in order to issue loans to him on preferential terms in connection with the centenary of the Charter to the nobility of 1785, he established the Noble Land Bank. By decrees of Alexander III dated 18 (30) May 1882, 14 (26) May 1883, 28 May (9 June) 1885, 1 (13) January 1887, the poll tax was gradually abolished in European Russia.
The new customs tariff of 1891 placed high import duties on manufactured products. In part, this was a response to the transition of Germany, Russia's main trading partner, to a policy of protectionism, including agrarianism. The “customs war” with Germany that flared up after that ended with the signing of a compromise trade agreement in 1894.
The economic policy of Alexander III, implemented by the Ministers of Finance N. Kh. Bunge, I. A. Vyshnegradsky and S. Yu. Witte, was aimed at stabilizing the financial system of the state, overcoming the chronic budget deficit. Under Alexander III, preparations began for the introduction of gold monometallism (carried out in the second half of the 1890s under Emperor Nicholas II; see Monetary reforms). In the early 1890s, Alexander III supported Witte's course towards the accelerated industrialization of the Russian economy, expressed, in particular, in attracting foreign capital, strengthening state-owned railway construction, etc. Private railways were taken under government control, a significant part of them were bought out by the treasury. The state railways tied together the individual railways; tariffs for the transportation of goods were established common for the entire railway network. To manage the railway part in 1889, the Department of Railway Affairs was formed under the Ministry of Finance. By a rescript dated 17 (29) 3/1891 addressed to the heir to the throne, Alexander III ordered the construction of the Siberian railway to begin. In December 1892, he approved the journal of the Special Meeting on the construction of the Siberian Railway and recognized the need to establish a special Committee of the Siberian Railway to manage the construction. Trans-Siberian Railway, in 1893 approved the regulation on the Committee.
The spread of relations of hiring and selling labor after the abolition of serfdom laid the foundation for conflicts between workers and entrepreneurs. Alexander III regarded these clashes as "disgraceful", for which in most cases the manufacturers themselves are responsible, and turned to the issue of regulating labor relations. In 1882, a factory inspectorate was formed under the Ministry of Finance to oversee the implementation of factory legislation. At the same time, a law was passed restricting the use of child labor, in 1885 the legislation was supplemented by a ban on night work for women and teenagers in textile factories with the right of the minister to extend it to other enterprises (in 1890 these prohibitions were partially lifted). In 1886, rules were issued on the conditions of employment and the procedure for terminating contracts between workers and entrepreneurs, at the same time Alexander III approved the Regulations on the Hiring of Agricultural Workers, which determined the responsibility of hired workers to employers.
During the reign of Alexander III, the territory of the Russian Empire finally took shape. For the first time, the Great Russian population began to yield to other peoples in terms of numbers (48%, according to the All-Russian population census of 1897, carried out somewhat later, together with the Little Russians and Belarusians - 72.5%), and the confessional heterogeneity of the population also increased. Before Alexander III, the problem of ensuring the internal unity of the country was particularly acute. He saw its solution in the subordination of the outskirts to the general imperial administration.
The religiosity of Alexander III and his focus on Russian traditions significantly influenced the ideology of the reign. Mass church construction, an increase in the number of publications of Orthodox periodicals and literature, the spread of parochial schools, the holding of large-scale church celebrations, the intensification of the missionary activity of the Russian Orthodox Church among "foreigners", and the systematic struggle against a number of sects should have served to preserve the influence of Orthodoxy on society. The increased emphasis on "national identity" manifested itself, for example, in architecture, where the pseudo-Russian style dominated.
In foreign policy, Alexander III adhered to the principle of non-interference in European affairs, declared by him in the manifesto on accession to the throne on 2 (14) .3.1881, in the absence of a threat to the honor and dignity of Russia. Taking into account the position of the European states at the Berlin Congress of 1878 and the reaction of Russian society to its results, Alexander III took a pragmatic position in relation to the European states, abandoning traditional diplomacy that was focused on dynastic ties. Initially, he strengthened Russo-German relations; in 1881 and 1884 extended the agreement on the "Union of the Three Emperors" between Russian Empire, Austria-Hungary and Germany, after the aggravation of the Austro-Russian contradictions in the Balkans in 1885-87, he signed the "Reinsurance Treaty" of 1887 with Germany. At the end of the reign of Alexander III, the growing Austro-Russian and Russian-German contradictions led to a reorientation foreign policy Russia and to the conclusion of a number of secret agreements with France (1891-93), which until 1917 determined Russia's position in the new balance of international relations (see Russo-French Union). The endurance of Alexander III, combined with his determination in defending Russian interests in the aggravation of the international situation (for example, during the Afghan crisis of 1885, the Bulgarian crisis of 1886, etc.) prevented Russia from participating in military conflicts, which Alexander III considered the main priority of his foreign policy . At the end of the reign of Alexander III, the periodical press began to call him the Peacemaker.
In the eastern direction, Alexander III was concerned about the active British policy in Central Asia. Decisive response actions of Alexander III led to the annexation of most of the Turkmen territory.
Alexander III knew Russian history and culture well, was the founder (1866) and the first chairman of the Russian historical society, on his initiative, since 1876, the Russian Biographical Dictionary has been published. Since 1871, Alexander III has been a regular visitor to the vernissages of the Association of Traveling Art Exhibitions. He came up with the idea of creating a museum in St. Petersburg, which would contain outstanding works of Russian painting and sculpture (implemented by Emperor Nicholas II with the creation of the Russian Museum in 1895). He was fond of music, in 1872 he organized a wind quintet, played the cornet in it.
Op.: Alexander the Third: Memoirs. Diaries. Letters. SPb., 2001.
Lit .: Emperor Alexander III: (The guiding idea of His reign) // Historical Bulletin. 1894. No. 11; Emperor Alexander III. SPb., 1894; Emperor Alexander III. Sat. materials. SPb., 1895; Alexander III (1845-1894): His personality, reign and intimate life. M., 1991; Chernukha V. G. Alexander III // Questions of history. 1992. No. 11/12; Tvardovskaya V. A. Alexander III // Russian autocrats (1801-1917). 2nd ed. M., 1994; Talberg N. D. Tsar the Peacemaker (Emperor Alexander III) // Literary studies. 1995. No. 4; Sedunov A.V. Alexander the Third: The Formation of the Emperor // Teaching history at school. 1997. No. 7; Chesnokov V. I. Alexander III and domestic culture: Towards a revision of historical tradition // Russian monarchy: questions of history and theory. Voronezh, 1998; Bokhanov A. N. Emperor Alexander III. 3rd ed. M., 2004.
After the assassination of Alexander II on March 1, 1881, his son, Alexander III, ascended the Russian throne, with whose name both contemporaries and later researchers associate the onset of political reaction "under the guise of nationality and Orthodoxy."
Grand Duke Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov was the second of the six sons of Alexander II (Nicholas, Alexander, Vladimir, Alexei, Sergei and Pavel). He was born in 1845 and was not the heir to the throne. "Alexander III was not at all prepared to be emperor ... - we read in the memoirs of S. Yu. Witte, - one can say that he was somewhat in the pen: neither for his education, nor for his upbringing special attention they didn’t pay.” The heir was Nikolai.
Alexander III" >
The future Russian emperor, judging by the reviews of his educators, personal diaries, did not differ in the breadth of interests. And although S. M. Solovyov taught him a course in history, K "P. Pobedonostsev taught him jurisprudence, general M. I. Dragomirov taught strategy, there was little success in the sciences, there were no military talents. lazy" and began to study only when he became the heir. This attempt to replenish his education was carried out by him under the guidance of Pobedonostsev. From the reports of the educators Zinoviev and Gogel we learn that the boy was distinguished by perseverance and diligence in calligraphy in front-line classes.
Diaries that Alexander III kept in different years his life, do not reflect the intellectual needs of the author. They recorded facts, opinions, experiences, attitudes towards certain events. Data on the weather, guests, daily routine are diligently reported. The emperor's notes in the memorial books that he kept from the moment of accession to the throne bear the same character. From these records, one can only learn about when the emperor got up, went to bed, what were the successes of the hunt, etc.
At an early age, he was extremely shy, which caused him to be somewhat harsh and angular. In the family, Sasha was called "bulldog". And in his mature years, Alexander III "was not handsome, in manners he was rather ... bear-haired; he was very large in stature, and for all his physique, he was not particularly strong or muscular, but rather was somewhat fat and fat." This is how S. Yu. Witte, who was the Minister of Finance under Alexander III, saw him. The American historian Robert Massey in his book "Nicholas and Alexandra" emphasizes the terrible physical strength of the king: "He could bend an iron poker or a silver ruble."
The emperor, unlike his predecessors, was a good family man. After the death in 1865 of his elder brother, Tsarevich Nikolai, he inherited not only the throne, but also his bride, the Danish princess Dagmar (after the adoption of Orthodoxy, she received the name Maria Feodorovna). Alexander III loved his wife and remained faithful to her. After the wedding, the couple settled in the Anichkov Palace. Children followed one after another: Nikolai, George, Mikhail, Ksenia, Olga. “The birth of children is the most joyful moment of life, and it is impossible to describe it, because it is a very special feeling that is unlike any other,” Alexander shared with Pobedonostsev8. He was always affectionate with his children. But he especially loved his son Misha and allowed him to make fun of himself. In the memoirs of one of his contemporaries, close to the court, we find such an episode. Alexander III was with his family in the village of Ilyinsky visiting his brother Sergei. “The adults were sitting on the terrace lined with flowers, and Misha was digging down in the sand. Taking a watering can, Alexander III shouted: “Come on, Misha, get here!” Misha stood under the terrace, and his father poured a little Everyone laughed ... and they were already about to send the boy to change, as he demanded that his father take his place ... Alexander went off the terrace, and Misha ... sent all of her (watering cans. - V.K.) the king's bald head shining in the sun!"
Alexander III" > Family morality, inherent in the emperor himself, gave him the right to demand decent behavior from the household. Often the reason for the monarch's disgrace and removal from the court was the adultery of the grand dukes and princesses. “Emperor Alexander III was really the head of the royal family,” Witte believes, “he kept everyone ... in the appropriate position, everyone not only revered and respected him, but was also extremely afraid.”
In everyday life, Alexander III was simple and modest. According to Witte, during the emperor's trip along the South-Western Railway, Sergei Yulievich constantly had to see how Alexander III's valet Kotov darned the tsar's tattered trousers.
Alexander III" > As an heir, Alexander liked to drink. It came to real binges, from which he was subsequently cured by S. P. Botkin. But the passion remains. Together with his drinking buddy, the head of his guard, General P. A. Cherevin, Alexander drank quietly and had fun in a very peculiar way. “He lies on his back on the floor and dangles his arms and legs,” Cherevin said. “And whoever walks past from men, especially children, tries to catch his leg and knock him down. Only by this sign did they guess that he was tipsy.” When, in the late 1980s, Alexander III fell ill with a kidney disease and was strictly forbidden to drink, the Empress vigilantly ensured that her husband did not violate the ban. However, this was not always successful. To deceive the empress, complicated operation. Boots were ordered with special tops, so that they included a flask of cognac. "The queen is beside us, we sit quietly, play like good boys. She moved away - we look at each other - one, two, three! - pull out flasks, suck and again as if nothing had happened ... Terribly he liked this fun ... "- said Cherevin.
Alexander III" > Contemporaries also noted the intemperance of Alexander III. The expressions "cattle", "scum" were ordinary words for him. In his diary, A. V. Bogdanovich, with reference to P. A. Monteverdi, editor of the Petersburg Newspaper, writes that “when the sovereign was not yet the heir, his entourage rejoiced that he would not be king - such a ferocious character he showed."
Alexander III" > Alexander III was not very intelligent. This is evidenced by people who knew him well. The head of the Main Directorate for Press Affairs, E. M. Feoktistov, who, on the whole, had a positive attitude towards the emperor, did not highly appreciate his mental abilities: "It cannot be denied that, intellectually, the sovereign Alexander Alexandrovich was an insignificant quantity - the flesh prevailed too much in him over the spirit ... It often happened that he expressed very sensible thoughts, and along with them those that struck with their purely childish naivety and innocence. Even the admirer of Alexander III, Minister of Finance S.Yu. III had a small mind of reason, but he had a huge, outstanding mind of the heart.
Alexander III" > Probably, the "ordinary mind" and the absence of any "military talents" were one of the reasons that Alexander II was advised not to appoint the heir to the commander-in-chief of the entire army during the Russian-Turkish war. Alexander was entrusted with the modest position of commander of the Ruschuk detachment. The commander-in-chief, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, Alexander's uncle, instructed him to guard the road from the Danube crossing at Sistovo to Tarnovo. The detachment almost did not take part in combat operations, the awards of the officers of the detachment were ignored. One of Alexander's companions, Count S. Shuvalov, wrote in his diary: "... It is a pity for the Tsarevich; his difficult situation."
Alexander III" > And one more fact that very clearly shows the critical attitude of contemporaries to Alexander's ability to govern the country. Professor of Moscow University A. I. Chivilev was horrified when he learned that his student was declared heir to the throne. In a conversation with his colleague Professor K. N. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, he said: "What a pity that the sovereign did not convince him to give up his rights: I cannot reconcile myself to the idea that he will rule Russia."
An ordinary mind, a lack of knowledge did not allow Alexander to navigate independently in the variety of questions that confronted him. Therefore, after his accession to the throne, it was the practice in the ministries to accompany each written report sent daily to the emperor with a short note outlining the essence of the matter - to facilitate the work of the sovereign.
During leisure hours, Alexander III did not read much. These were the novels of Leskov, Melnikov; I really liked the works of Markovich; did not like and did not understand many of the works of Tolstoy, did not know the works of Turgenev. The emperor did not read newspapers at all. "Of course, he reads little," General A. A. Kireev wrote in his diary, "the newspapers are hidden from him." He goes on to say that a kind of review was compiled for the tsar from newspaper information, which, after viewing it by the head of the Main Press Department and the Minister of Internal Affairs, was presented to Alexander.
The assassination of Alexander II made a stunning impression on his son. Fear of assassination literally poisoned his life.
Appointed in March 1881 by the St. Petersburg mayor, N. M. Baranov informed the sovereign about information allegedly received through the foreign police about new assassination attempts being prepared. Alexander III was not allowed outside the fence of the Anichkov Palace. Two days after the assassination attempt, I. I. Vorontsov-Dashkov, the Minister of the Court, sent a letter to Alexander III asking him not to take risks and move to the Winter Palace, so as not to endanger himself during daily transitions from the Anichkov Palace to the Winter Palace. Under the chairmanship of Vorontsov-Dashkov, a commission is formed to create a special honorary bodyguard for the sovereign. And for this purpose, in March 1881, a secret society, the Sacred Squad, was even created. The idea of creating such an organization belonged to S. Yu. Witte, who was soon initiated into the members of this squad. The "Holy Squad" is "an attempt by government circles, the highest echelons of the bureaucracy to develop new means to combat the revolutionary movement, whose organization had to be opposed by a secret society ...". Representatives of the squad negotiated with the Executive Committee of the People's Will, which was asked to refrain from terrorist acts until the coronation of Alexander III. The fear that the revolutionaries would take advantage of the celebration to assassinate forced the government to constantly postpone the coronation; it took place only on May 15, 1883.
In those days, K.P. Pobedonostsev showed special concern for his pupil. In a letter dated March 11, 1881, he warned Alexander: "When you are going to bed, please lock the door behind you not only in the bedroom, but also in all the following rooms, up to the entrance." Pobedonostsev advised checking bells, furniture, people's reliability before going to bed, and "if anyone was even a little doubtful, you can find an excuse to remove him ...". Such concern contributed to the intensification of panic. March 27, 1881 Alexander III leaves St. Petersburg and settles in Gatchina. There he chooses for his stay not the main chambers, but "small gloomy and creepy" rooms on the mezzanine, where a person of average height could easily reach the ceiling with his hand. "In Gatchina, it is amazing ... the view of the palace and the park, cordoned off by several rows of sentries, with the addition of police officers brought from St. Petersburg, horse patrols, secret agents ... The palace looks like a prison ...". D. A. Milyutin saw Gatchina like this. Alexander III voluntarily became a "prisoner of Gatchina".
The fears were not unfounded. In a letter to Alexander III published after the death of Alexander II, the Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya announced that it did not intend to lay down its arms and would fight even more fiercely if the new tsar retained the autocratic form of government. On March 1, 1887, a Narodnaya Volya group called the “Terrorist faction of the People’s Will”, founded in December 1886 in St. Petersburg by P. Ya. Shevyrev and A. I. Ulyanov (brother of V. I. Lenin), attempted to assassinate Alexander III. Participants in the failed attempt to assassinate the tsar P. I. Andreyushkin, V. D. Generalov, V. S. Osipanov, A. I. Ulyanov, P. Ya. Shevyrev were hanged on March 7, 1887.
Precautions were also taken in case the conspirators wanted to poison the sovereign. Each time they sent for provisions to a new place and to a new person. The suppliers did not know that their supplies were being taken for the king's table. The emperor ordered that new cooks be appointed daily, and at the last moment, unexpectedly for them. The cooks and cooks were carefully searched by the officers on duty.
During the long journeys of the sovereign and his family (to the south, abroad) 1 - 2 weeks before the passage of the royal train, the soldiers became a chain along the rails. The guns were loaded with firearms, the soldiers were ordered to shoot at anyone who approached the tracks. The imperial headquarters, created in 1884 to improve the protection of the king and his family, used other tricks. The direction of movement changed, and the troops were deployed along various railways. On another occasion, three identical trains were launched at short intervals, one after the other, and no one knew which one the tsar was in.
However, these preventive measures did not prevent the collapse of the sovereign's train on October 17, 1888, near Borki station. The entire train fell on the embankment, several people died. "During the crash, the emperor and his family were in the dining car... With his characteristic calmness... the sovereign got out of the car, reassured everyone, and helped the wounded." Of the members of the imperial family, the eldest daughter Xenia, who remained hunchbacked, suffered the most.
The cause of the accident was a violation of the rules of train traffic. The huge train, made up of heavy wagons, was pulled by two freight locomotives moving at an unacceptable speed. S. Yu. Witte, who at that time was the head of the South-Western Railway, had previously warned the Minister of Railways in the presence of Alexander III about the possible consequences of such a movement. After the crash, the tsar remembered this and offered Witte the post of director of the department of railway affairs in the Ministry of Finance.
In the event of his death, Alexander III appointed the eldest son of his brother Vladimir as regent. Therefore, Witte, who loved the emperor, was cunning when he wrote in his memoirs: "... Emperor Alexander III was an extremely courageous man ... In any case, he was never at all afraid of death."
From the biography it follows that Alexander III did not belong to the number of people who cared about their health. Indeed, he managed to hide his kidney disease for a long time. But when the usually obese sovereign began to lose weight, relatives turned to the famous Moscow professor Zakharyin. He determined the hopelessness of the situation. From the spring to the autumn of 1894, Alexander III stayed on his feet. He died on October 20, 1894 in Yalta, sitting in an armchair, in full consciousness.
Such was the man who ruled Russia for 13 years.
Alexander III ascended the throne in a difficult political and economic situation: the terrorist activities of the Narodnaya Volya reached its climax, the war with Turkey completely upset the finances and the monetary system. Under these conditions, the young sovereign had to make a choice - either to continue bourgeois transformations, or to firmly and cruelly begin to fight against all sorts of liberal moods and aspirations. Russian society froze in anticipation.
But Alexander III in the first months of his reign was in no hurry to proclaim the principles of his policy. This created hope in the community. “One could hope that the resumption of legislative work, constituting the continuation and completion of the interrupted reforms, moreover, with the assistance of representatives of local interests, contributes both to calming minds and raising government authority,” D. A. Milyutin wrote in his diary.
The first statements and orders of the emperor were completely in the spirit of the previous course. It is known that in January 1881, the Minister of the Interior, Count M.T. Loris-Melikov, offered Alexander II his program. Its first part provided for the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, the press, the partial decentralization of administrative management, some financial and economic measures, including the completion peasant reform. The development of these measures was proposed to be carried out in temporary preparatory commissions with broad participation in them of representatives from zemstvos and city dumas. This project was called the "constitution" of Loris-Melikov. On the morning of March 1, Alexander II signed these papers and ordered them to be published in the Government Bulletin. But after his death, they could not be made public without the consent and signature of the new sovereign.
Loris-Melikov turned to Alexander III with a question whether the publication of this document should be suspended. The emperor did not hesitate to answer that the last will of the late king must be carried out. It seemed that it had finally happened: Russia would receive a constitution. The "Liberal Party" may triumph.
But the supporters of the reactionary course were not inactive either. Regicide inspired them. On March 1, 1881, late in the evening, K.P. Pobedonostsev appeared at the Anichkov Palace and begged Alexander III to dismiss Loris-Melikov. And although the tsar did not consider this possible, nevertheless at two o'clock in the morning Loris-Melikov received an order from the Anichkov Palace to suspend the printing of the program and subject it to a new discussion. On March 6, Pobedonostsev wrote to Alexander III: “Don’t leave Count Loris-Melikov, I don’t believe him. He is a magician and can still play a double game. If you give yourself into his hands, he will lead you and Russia to death ... And he not a Russian patriot. Take care, for God's sake, Your Highness, lest he take possession of your will.... The new policy must be declared immediately and decisively. ..".
On March 8, a meeting of the Council of Ministers was held, at which the fate of Loris-Melikov's "constitution" was to be decided. Anticipating the discussion, Alexander said: “Count Loris-Melikov reported to the late sovereign about the need to convene representatives from zemstvos and cities. This idea was generally approved by my late father. However, the issue should not be considered a foregone conclusion, since the late father wanted to convene the Council of Ministers for its consideration."
How the discussion of this issue proceeded, we learn from the notes of a participant in the meeting of the Minister of War D. A. Milyutin. "From ... Count Sergei Grigoryevich Stroganov, they heard that in the proposed program of peaceful legislative work, signs of revolution, constitution and all sorts of troubles are visible ... The sovereign listened with noticeable sympathy to the ultra-conservative speech of the old reactionary." But everything said by Stroganov and other ministers was pale and insignificant in comparison "with the long Jesuit speech delivered by Pobedonostsev; this was no longer a single refutation of the measures proposed now, but a direct, sweeping censure of everything that had been committed in the past reign; he dared to name the great the reforms of Emperor Alexander II were a criminal mistake ... It was a denial of everything that formed the basis of European civilization."
"End of Russia!" - such is the leitmotif of Pobedonostsev's speech. "We are offered to set up a talking shop ... Everyone is chatting, and no one is working. They want to set up an all-Russian supreme talking shop."
The sovereign decided to reconsider Loris-Melikov's proposal again. The project was handed over to the commission, which never met again. The document was buried.
Despite Pobedonostsev's speech, the ministers who defended the liberal program still hoped to convince the sovereign to approve it. Loris-Melikov and Milyutin, discussing the state of affairs after the meeting, came to the conclusion "that both should remain in a wait-and-see position for some time, until it becomes clear which of the two opposite paths will be chosen by the emperor."
At a meeting on April 21, the question of the representation of zemstvos was again raised. Loris-Melikov, Milyutin, and other ministers argued the need for further development and completion of the reforms begun by Alexander II. But Alexander III no longer hesitated in assessing this project. “Our meeting today made a sad impression on me,” he wrote to Pobedonostsev. “Loris, Milyutin and Abaza positively continue the same policy and want to somehow bring us to a representative government, but for now I will not be convinced that this is necessary for the happiness of Russia Of course, this will not happen, I will not allow it. It is unlikely, however, that I will ever be convinced of the benefits of such a measure, I am too sure of its harm. smart people who can seriously talk about a representative beginning in Russia, precisely learned phrases that they read from our lousy journalism and bureaucratic liberalism. I am more and more convinced that I cannot expect good from these ministers ... "
Pobedonostsev could celebrate victory. The fate of Loris-Melikov, Abaza and Milyutin was decided. But they didn't suspect it. And on April 28, 1881, a regular meeting was held, where a heated debate about the Zemstvos continued. Loris-Melikov's proposals to revise certain articles of the Regulations on zemstvos and city institutions, to involve zemstvos in the legislative development of questions on measures to improve the welfare of the peasant population were approved by all those present, except Pobedonostsev. The presiding Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich proposed a compromise: for the first time, limiting himself to calling from the provinces a small number of efficient and completely trustworthy people known to the government. The task of such a meeting is a preliminary discussion of the very question of the procedure for calling representatives of the zemstvos to process known bills in cases where the government recognizes this as useful.
And suddenly, those gathered with surprise learn from the Minister of Justice the news that the highest manifesto has been prepared for tomorrow. The author of the manifesto is K. P. Pobedonostsev. This was startling news. How?! A week ago, the sovereign expressed the wish that a preliminary agreement between the ministers be necessary. And suddenly such an important state act appears behind their backs.
On April 29, 1881, the manifesto "On the Inviolability of Autocracy" was published. “A special and unexpected thing has happened,” wrote Secretary of State E. A. Peretz, impressed by the manifesto. neither for the educated classes, nor for the common people. In society, he made a depressing impression."
Insulted, Loris-Melikov, Abaza and Milyutin resigned, which was accepted. In his last conversation with Loris-Melikov, the sovereign spoke quite frankly that at the present moment, when the whole task was precisely to "strengthen the autocratic power," Milyutin, Loris-Melikov, and Abaza were unsuitable for him.
The struggle of two government groups - supporters of the reactionary course and the group of Loris-Melikov - ended in victory for the first. It was "a struggle within the ruling class, reflecting the difference in the views of different statesmen on the ways and means of strengthening the autocratic state", - considers the largest researcher in the history of Russian tsarism P. A. Zaionchkovsky.
A combination of objective and subjective factors determined this victory. There was no force in Russian society capable of resisting, counteracting the turn of the political course towards reaction. Representatives of government liberalism, led by Loris-Melikov, were demoralized by the assassination of the tsar. Under these conditions, it was the position of the sovereign that could become decisive in choosing a political course. Was Alexander III a convinced reactionary at the time of his accession to the throne? I think not. Rather, he was a conservative politician. When he was heir, liberal thoughts were not alien to him. Sometimes Alexander opposed and went against the opinions and tendencies of his father, read Slavophile articles by Yu. F. Samarin and I. S. Aksakov. A year before the death of his father, in February 1880, the future emperor corresponded with Loris-Melikov on the issue of a legislative institution. It seemed that the minister convinced Alexander of the need to involve representatives of the zemstvos in the discussion of state affairs. On April 12, 1880, the Tsarevich, having learned that Alexander II approved the liberal program of Loris-Melikov, wrote to the latter: “Thank God! I cannot express how glad I am that the sovereign accepted your note so graciously and with such confidence, dear Mikhail Tarielovich. .. Now you can safely go forward and calmly and persistently carry out your program for the happiness of your dear homeland and the misfortune of the ministers ... I congratulate you from the bottom of my heart ... ".
The murder of his father destroyed these sentiments, restored him against the so-called "liberal party" of Loris-Melikov, which he considered responsible for the death of Alexander II. According to G. I. Chulkov, the “lazy and clumsy mind” of Alexander III could not give birth to any independent idea. He needed a leader, a mentor.
From the first days of his reign, Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev became the emperor's closest political adviser. “Will someone be the chief adviser to the young tsar?” asked A. V. Bogdanovich, the wife of the Minister of Internal Affairs E. V. Bogdanovich, the hostess of the St. Petersburg salon, where ministers and governors, metropolitans and maids of honor, diplomats and writers gathered. - God forbid so that only Pobedonostsev remains. He is harmful to both Russia and the tsar. "
KP Pobedonostsev, the son of a professor at Moscow University, was born in 1827. He received his education at the School of Law. He began his service in the Moscow departments of the Senate. As a professor at Moscow University in 1860-1865, he gained fame as the author of the three-volume Code of Russian Laws. The outstanding Russian lawyer A.F. Koni, who listened to Pobedonostsev’s lectures, wrote in his memoirs: “Above the pulpit towered a figure with a pale, thin, smooth-shaven face, in thick tortoiseshell glasses, through which intelligent eyes looked tired and indifferent, and from bloodless lips poured lazily, noiselessly monotonous speech. Pobedonostsev, preceded by literary fame and fame as an experienced civilist, inspired us with respect, but did not enliven us and left us indifferent to his subject.
In 1865 he was appointed a member of the consultation of the Ministry of Justice. In 1868, Pobedonostsev was a senator, and in 1872, a member of the State Council. His approach to the royal family took place in the 60s of the 19th century, when the young professor was entrusted with teaching law to the grand dukes. His closest relations with the future Emperor Alexander III were established in the second half of the 70s. This is confirmed by the number of Pobedonostsev's letters to the heir. In 1880, on the initiative of Tsarevich Alexander, Konstantin Petrovich took the post of chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod, otherwise - the minister for the grandfathers of the Russian Orthodox Church. At the same time, he assumed the duties of a political mentor to the eldest son of Alexander III, Nicholas.
According to his political views, which are set out in letters to the emperor and in the book "Moscow collection" (1896), Pobedonostsev belonged to the representatives of extreme reaction. "Autocracy, Orthodoxy, nationality" - this is how briefly one can formulate the political credo of this statesman. He was a supporter of unlimited autocracy, the preservation of noble privileges, an ardent enemy of Western European forms public life. The "evil and sharp mind" of the chief prosecutor lashed out with criticism at bourgeois parliamentarism, the venality of the deputies, and the falsity of their eloquence. "One of the most deceitful political principles is the principle of people's power, unfortunately, the idea that has been established since the French Revolution that all power comes from the people and has its foundation in the will of the people. From this comes the theory of parliamentarism, which still misleads the mass of the so-called intelligentsia and penetrated, unfortunately, into Russian crazy heads," he wrote in his article "The Great Lie of Our Time." Since the zemstvos in Russia were arranged according to the parliamentary principle, they should have been liquidated. Merciless Pobedonostsev to the jury, university autonomy, secular public education.
Contemporaries unanimously recognized in him a large, sharp and subtle mind, broad education and at the same time narrowness of judgment, intolerance. He hated the intelligentsia, could not stand any dissent - neither political nor religious. “The state recognizes one religion out of all as a true religion and exclusively supports and patronizes one church, to the prejudice of all other churches and confessions,” Pobedonostsev wrote in the Moscow Collection. “This prejudice means in general that all other churches are not recognized as true or completely true; but in practice it is expressed in an unequal form, with many different shades, and from non-recognition and condemnation comes to persecution. Based on these principles, the Minister of Religion persecuted all Old Believers, sectarians and representatives of other religions. In the literature, we find a comparison of Pobedonostsev with Thomas Torquemada, head of the Spanish Inquisition in the 80s of the 15th century.
The impact of Pobedonostsev's speeches, letters and articles on listeners and readers was intensified by the fact that, in defense of his reactionary views, he introduced "ardent faith, exalted patriotism, deep and immutable conviction, broad education, rare power of dialectics ... perfect simplicity and great charm of manners and speech".
But, filled with "reasonable and talented criticism", he suffered from "a complete absence of positive life creativity ...". Here is another point of view: "... There was no person who would be so frightened of any decisive action ... one had only to hint that one cannot sit idly by, measures must be taken ... and he was immediately horrified." A person was needed who could embody Pobedonostsev's ideas. The autocrat became "a beast of burden, on which he put his heavy burden of the Victorious."
In the second half of the 80s, Alexander III was less and less inclined to heed the advice of his teacher. The main reason for the loss of influence on the sovereign was the lack of a positive political program. This was also pointed out by the emperor himself in a conversation with S. Yu. Witte: "... Pobedonostsev is an excellent critic, but he himself can never create anything ... one cannot live by criticism, but one must go forward, one must create, but in In this regard, K. P. Pobedonostsev and other persons of his own direction can no longer be of any use ... ". During the first half of the 80s of the XIX century. government policy was built under the influence of the "criticism" of Pobedonostsev, who became the creator of counter-reforms in Russia.
The first signs of a departure from the course adopted in the last reign were the removal from the post of chairman of the State Council of Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolayevich, who, in his views, was a resolute supporter of bourgeois reforms; an attempt to reconcile Loris-Melikov with Pobedonostsev; expressed sympathy for the speech of I. S. Aksakov against "the unreasonable and criminal inclinations and aspirations of pseudo-liberalism, which wants to push Russia onto the wrong path of constitutional reforms, alien to its national genius.
But the so-called "reactionary party", whose leader was Pobedonostsev, could not immediately begin to implement its plans. In the situation of continuing unrest in the country, Alexander III did not dare to go over to reaction. Figures of the transitional period appeared on the political scene in Russia: the Minister of the Interior, Count N. P. Ignatiev, the Minister of Finance, Professor N. X. Bunge, and the Minister of Education, Baron A. P. Nikolai.
The new interior minister took steps to stabilize the political situation in the country. According to the adopted "Regulations on Measures to Protect State Order and Public Peace", all administrative power - from the minister, the governor to the district police officer - received exclusive rights. Any province could be declared under martial law, each inhabitant could be sent out of the province by the power of the governor.
But Ignatiev could not but understand that it was difficult to establish order by repressive measures alone. In May 1882, he presented to the sovereign a draft deliberative Zemsky Sobor, the convocation of which should have been timed to coincide with the coronation of Alexander III. Again, Pobedonostsev intervened immediately. “After reading these papers,” he wrote to the emperor on May 4, 1882, “I was horrified at the mere thought of what could follow when Count Ignatiev’s proposal was carried out ...” In a letter dated May 6, Pobedonostsev even more bluntly: "The more I think, the more horrific the enormity of this project horrifies me...". In a personal meeting with the sovereign, he argued that it was necessary once and for all to put an end to attempts "to carry out dangerous experiments on the fundamental foundations of our political system which, fortunately, failed Loris-Melikov. "The last attempt to "update" Russia was thwarted.
On May 27, 1882, a meeting was held in Gatchina to discuss the proposed project. No matter how hard Ignatiev tried to present the convocation of the Zemsky Sobor as a decoration for the magnificent atmosphere of the coronation of the king, a symbol of unity with the people, to prove the harmlessness of this undertaking, not a single vote was cast in favor of Ignatiev. The Minister of the Interior was becoming undesirable in this position.
On the eve of the meeting, Pobedonostsev, talking with M. N. Ostrovsky, Minister of State Property, suggested who it would be desirable to replace Count Ignatiev in the event of his removal. Count D. A. Tolstoy seemed to him the only suitable figure. After the meeting, Pobedonostsev went directly from Gatchina to negotiate with Tolstoy, on May 28 he already reported to Alexander III: “This morning I carried out the order of your imperial majesty: I was with Count Tolstoy and explained to him ... When your majesty would like to call him, he will honor it is my duty to report to you my views on certain essential matters in this department."
On May 30, D. A. Tolstoy was appointed Minister of the Interior. For S.Yu. Witte it was obvious that "the Emperor Alexander III appointed him Minister of the Interior ... precisely because he had ultra-conservative views." The entire liberal community gasped in indignation. "According to the general opinion, a dictatorship should now come ... which will strengthen power and put an end to all unsightly phenomena in our public life with harsh measures," we read in the memoirs of E. M. Feoktistov. "The appearance on the stage of Count D. A. Tolstoy testified to a decisive turn in the policy of Alexander III.
Not long headed the Ministry of Public Education and Nicolai. A year later, I. D. Delyanov replaced him. D. A. Milyutin, having learned about this appointment, wrote in his diary: “This is almost the same as if Katkov had been appointed; this is the restoration of the ministry of Count Tolstoy, hated for the whole of Russia. Between the previous regime and the future, the difference is only in the lining: Tolstoy had gall on the lining; Delyanoff would have idiocy. Poor Russia."
So, the mobilization of forces capable of strengthening the shattered autocracy was essentially completed. It was possible to start implementing a program that could return Russia to pre-reform times.
The first victims of the new policy were the press and the school. The new censorship charter pursued the goal of strangling the opposition press. In 1883-1884. all radical and many liberal periodicals ceased to exist: Otechestvennye Zapiski by M.E. Saltykov-Shchedrin, Delo by N.V. Shelgunov, Golos, Zemstvo. In 1884, university autonomy was abolished, and students were reintroduced uniform as a "means of supervision" over them, when entering the university, it was necessary to present a characteristic of "trustworthiness", tuition fees at universities increased five times. In 1887, a circular was issued, known as "on the cook's children", according to which it was forbidden to admit the children of coachmen, lackeys, laundresses, small shopkeepers to the gymnasium. Everything primary schools were transferred to the church department - the Synod. “The political activity of such leaders of the last two tsars as K. P. Pobedonostsev and D. A. Tolstoy was deliberately aimed at delaying the enlightenment of the Russian people,” P. N. Milyukov gave such an assessment of government policy in the field of education.
In 1886 Tolstoy started the transformation of zemstvo institutions. The socio-economic development of Russia naturally led to a weakening of the position of the nobility in the zemstvos and an increase in the role of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, new landowners from merchants, and wealthy peasants. Most of all, the government was worried about the growth of opposition sentiments and the constitutional claims of the zemstvos. Therefore, the purpose of the planned reforms was to strengthen the representation of the nobility, that is, the "nobility" of zemstvo institutions, according to Witte's exact remark. To this end, the qualification for the nobility was reduced and the number of noble vowels increased. The peasantry was deprived of elective representation. Vowels from the peasants were appointed by the governor himself. Not a single decision of the Zemstvo was taken without the approval of the governor or the Minister of the Interior.
One of the most reactionary reforms was the introduction in 1889 of the institution of zemstvo chiefs. Zemstvo chiefs were appointed by the Minister of the Interior from local hereditary nobles on the proposal of the governors. Having combined in their hands the functions of administrators and judges, they received unlimited power. The world court in the village was destroyed. All activities of peasant self-government were under their control. The peasants had no right to complain about the zemstvo chiefs. By this act, the autocracy essentially restored the power of the landowners over the peasants, which had been lost under the reform of 1861.
According to the recollections of witnesses of these transformations, primarily Witte and Feoktistov, even many of the conservatives did not sympathize with this institution. The Chairman of the State Council, Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolayevich, attempted to influence the emperor through Pobedonostsev. “I myself can’t do anything, how many times I convinced the sovereign to arrange a meeting, listen to both sides, but he didn’t want to even hear about it,” complained Mikhail Nikolayevich. On December 29, 1888, Pobedonostsev sent a letter to Alexander III, where he very cunningly stated the following: "...everyone fears that it is precisely this goal, i.e., the establishment of order, that cannot be achieved by such a setting of the institution. In vain, Count Tolstoy suspects here a fundamental counteraction... As outlined by Count Tolstoy's draft, it, in my deep conviction, shared by quite a few, can only do harm and not only fail to establish order, but cause disorder, giving rise to a confusion of powers... To solve these important questions quickly and without careful, detailed discussion would mean putting at stake the great question of establishing order and peace in the rural population of Russia.
But the sovereign was deaf to these arguments. Witte believes that "Alexander III insisted on this idea ... precisely because he was tempted by the idea that all of Russia would be divided into zemstvo plots, that in each plot there would be a respectable nobleman who enjoys general respect in the given area, that this a respectable nobleman-landowner will take care of the peasants, judge them and dress them up. Justifying his idol, Witte writes that if this was a mistake, then in the highest degree sincere, since the emperor was "deeply cordial to all the needs of the Russian peasantry ...".
The judicial reform was also changed: the activities of the jury were significantly limited.
The result of the transformations carried out by Alexander III and his government was not just the conservation of the feudal political system, but also its strengthening.
Government policy in the field of industry and finance differed from the political course. Objectively, it contributed to the further movement of Russia along the capitalist path.
Under Alexander III, "customs policy turned sharply from free trade to protectionism", protective measures were expanded in relation to industry, a transition was made to new bourgeois principles of taxation, and "stateization" began. railways introduced a drinking and tobacco monopoly. These measures have contributed further development trade, industry, the elimination of the budget deficit, which made it possible to carry out a reform - to move to the gold circulation. The industrial and financial policy of Alexander III created the prerequisites for a powerful economic recovery in the second half of the 1990s.
The government of Alexander III was forced to recognize the existence of the labor question. In order to mitigate clashes between industrialists and workers, the working hours of women and adolescents were limited, a factory inspectorate was established, and mandatory rules on factory working conditions were issued.
Speaking about the agrarian policy pursued by Alexander III, it is necessary to note its contradictory nature. As early as the Minister of Finance, A. A. Abaza, a number of reforms were outlined, which were carried out by his successor, N. Kh. In 1882, the government established the Peasant Land Bank, which issued loans for the purchase of land to peasants. This contributed to the spread of private land ownership among the peasants.
But with one hand, strengthening the bourgeois foundations in the countryside, with the other hand, the government created barriers to the capitalization of the countryside. For the economic support of the local nobility in 1885, the Noble Land Bank was created, from which the nobles received loans on very favorable terms. But these were literally state money thrown to the wind, because in most cases they were drunk, eaten up, lost. As GV Plekhanov rightly remarked, "this led the 'first estate' to economic collapse and complete demoralization."
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, a series of laws were adopted aimed at preserving the patriarchal peasant family and community: family divisions were prohibited and early redemption of allotments was limited.
The difference in approaches to the development of an economic and political course cannot be explained only by the feeling of "respect for the state ruble, the state penny, which Alexander III possessed", or by his understanding that "Russia can become great only when it becomes a country ... industrial" . Neither Alexander III nor his finance ministers could ignore, firstly, the interests of the state treasury, and secondly, the strengthening of the state's defense power. Finally, it must be borne in mind that the economic sphere was largely outside the power of the autocracy.
In the field of foreign policy, Alexander III was guided by the national interests of Russia. He did not share the pro-German sentiments of his father, Alexander II. The unfavorable position of Germany towards Russia in the Balkans further cooled Russian-German relations, and rapprochement with France began. The thirteen-year reign of Alexander III passed peacefully, without major military clashes. This policy brought him the laurels of the "peacemaker" king.
Estimates of contemporaries of the reign of Alexander III are mutually exclusive. Let's take a look at the brightest ones. S. Yu. Witte: ",. Emperor Alexander III was far from being appreciated by his contemporaries and the next generation, and the majority are skeptical about his reign. This is highly unfair. Emperor Alexander III was a great emperor." G. V. Plekhanov: "For thirteen years Alexander III sowed the wind..."
K. P. Pobedonostsev retired during the reign of Nicholas II, after the publication of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905. In March 1907, he died.
He was born on March 10 (February 26 according to the old style), 1845 in St. Petersburg. He was the second son of Emperor Alexander II and Empress Maria Alexandrovna.
He received a military engineering education traditional for the Grand Dukes.
In 1865, after the death of his elder brother, Grand Duke Nicholas, he became Tsarevich, after which he received more fundamental knowledge. Among Alexander's mentors were Sergey Solovyov (history), Yakov Grot (history of literature), Mikhail Dragomirov (martial arts). The teacher of jurisprudence Konstantin Pobedonostsev had the greatest influence on the crown prince.
In his father's reforms, he saw, first of all, negative aspects - the growth of government bureaucracy, the difficult financial situation of the people, imitation of Western models. The political ideal of Alexander III was based on ideas about patriarchal autocratic rule, the planting of religious values in society, the strengthening of the estate structure, and national and distinctive social development.
On April 29, 1881, Alexander III issued a manifesto "On the inviolability of autocracy" and launched a series of reforms that were aimed at partially curtailing the liberal initiatives of his father-reformer.
The domestic policy of the king was characterized by increased control of the central government over all spheres of state life.
To strengthen the role of the police, local and central administration, the "Regulations on Measures to Protect State Security and Public Peace" (1881) were adopted. Adopted in 1882, the "Provisional Rules on the Press" clearly outlined the range of topics that could be written about, and introduced strict censorship. In addition, a number of "counter-reforms" were carried out, thanks to which it was possible to suppress the revolutionary movement, primarily the activities of the "Narodnaya Volya" party.
Alexander III took measures to protect the estate rights of the noble landowners: he established the Noble Land Bank, adopted the Provision on hiring for agricultural work, which was beneficial for the landowners, strengthened administrative guardianship over the peasantry, helped to strengthen the community of the peasants, the formation of the ideal of a large patriarchal family.
At the same time, in the first half of the 1880s, he took a number of measures to alleviate the financial situation of the people and alleviate social tension in society: the introduction of compulsory redemption and the reduction of redemption payments, the establishment of the Peasant Land Bank, the introduction of factory inspection, the gradual abolition of the poll tax.
The emperor paid serious attention to enhancing the social role of the Orthodox Church: he increased the number of parochial schools, toughened repressions against the Old Believers and sectarians.
During the reign of Alexander III, the construction of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow was completed (1883), parishes closed in the previous reign were restored, and many new monasteries and churches were built.
Alexander III made a significant contribution to the reorganization of the system of state and social relations. In 1884, he issued the University Charter, which curtailed the autonomy of the universities. In 1887, he issued a "circular about the cook's children," which limited the admission of children from the lower classes to the gymnasium.
He strengthened the social role of the local nobility: since 1889, peasant self-government was subordinate to the zemstvo chiefs - who combined judicial and administrative power in their hands to officials from local landowners.
He carried out reforms in the sphere of city government: zemstvo and city regulations (1890, 1892) tightened the control of the administration over local government, limited the rights of voters from the lower strata of society.
He limited the scope of the jury, restored closed court proceedings for political trials.
The economic life of Russia during the reign of Alexander III was characterized by economic growth, which was largely due to the policy of increased patronage of domestic industry. The country rearmed the army and navy and became the world's largest exporter of agricultural products. The government of Alexander III encouraged the growth of large-scale capitalist industry, which achieved notable success (metallurgy products doubled in 1886-1892, the railway network grew by 47%).
The foreign policy of Russia under Alexander III was distinguished by pragmatism. The main content was the turn from traditional cooperation with Germany to an alliance with France, which was concluded in 1891-1893. The aggravation of relations with Germany was smoothed out by the "Reinsurance Treaty" (1887).
Alexander III went down in history as the Tsar-Peacemaker - during the years of his reign, Russia did not participate in any serious military-political conflict of that time. The only significant battle - the capture of Kushka - took place in 1885, after which the annexation of Central Asia to Russia was completed.
Alexander III was one of the initiators of the creation of the Russian Historical Society and its first chairman. Established the Historical Museum in Moscow.
He simplified court etiquette and ceremonial, in particular, abolished kneeling before the king, reduced the staff of the court ministry and introduced strict control over the spending of money.
The emperor was pious, distinguished by frugality, modesty, he spent his leisure time in a narrow family and friendly circle. Interested in music, painting, history. He collected an extensive collection of paintings, decorative and applied arts, sculptures, which, after his death, was transferred to the Russian Museum founded by Emperor Nicholas II in memory of his father.
The idea of a real hero with iron health is associated with the personality of Alexander III. On October 17, 1888, he suffered in a railway accident near the Borki station, 50 km from Kharkov. However, saving the lives of loved ones, the emperor held the collapsed roof of the car for about half an hour until help arrived. It is believed that as a result of this excessive exertion, he began to progress kidney disease.
On November 1 (October 20, old style), 1894, the emperor died in Livadia (Crimea) from the effects of jade. The body was taken to St. Petersburg and buried in the Peter and Paul Cathedral.
The wife of Alexander III was the Danish princess Louise Sophia Frederica Dagmar (in Orthodoxy - Maria Feodorovna) (1847-1928), whom he married in 1866. The emperor and his wife had five children: Nicholas (later the Russian Emperor Nicholas II), George, Xenia, Mikhail and Olga.
The material was prepared on the basis of information from open sources
