The formation of Soviet power abstract. The formation of Soviet power

The formation of Soviet power

1. Introduction

The process of creating a new state covered the period from October 1917, the time of the beginning October revolution, until the summer of 1818, when the Soviet statehood was enshrined in the Constitution. central thesis new government was the idea of ​​exporting the world revolution and the creation of a socialist state. As part of this idea, the slogan "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" was put forward. The main task of the Bolsheviks was the issue of power, so the focus was not on socio-economic transformations, but on strengthening the central and regional authorities.

The highest bodies of Soviet power

On October 25, 1917, the Second Congress of Soviets adopted the Decree on Power, declaring the transfer of all power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. The arrest of the Provisional Government, the local liquidation of zemstvo and city governments were the first steps towards the destruction of the administration created by the former government. On October 27, 1917, it was decided to form the Soviet government - Council of People's Commissars(S/F), which must be valid until the election of the Constituent Assembly. It included 62 Bolsheviks, 29 Left Social Revolutionaries. More than 20 ministries were created instead People's Commissariats (People's Commissariats). The supreme legislative body was Congress of Soviets headed by Lenin. During the breaks between its meetings, legislative functions were carried out by All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), headed by L. Kamenev and M. Sverdlov. To combat counter-revolution and sabotage was formed All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK), headed by F. Dzerzhinsky. From the same the goal was to create revolutionary courts. These bodies played a big role in establishing Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

1.3 Constituent Assembly

In November-December 1917, elections to the Constituent Assembly were held, during which the Social Revolutionaries received 40% of the vote, the Bolsheviks - 24%, the Mensheviks - 2%. Thus, the Bolsheviks did not receive a majority and, realizing the threat to the sole rule, were forced to disperse the Constituent Assembly. On November 28, a blow was dealt to the Cadet Party - members of the Constituent Assembly, who were members of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, P. Dolgorukov, F. Kokoshkin, V. Stepanov, A. Shingarev and others were arrested. At the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which opened on January 5, 1918 In the Taurida Palace, the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs who supported them were in the minority. Most of the delegates refused to recognize the Council of People's Commissars as the government and demanded that all power be transferred to the Constituent Assembly. Therefore, on the night of January 6-7, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee approved a decree on dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. Demonstrations in his support were dispersed. Thus, the last democratically elected body collapsed. The repressions that began with the Kadets showed that the Bolsheviks were striving for dictatorship and one-man rule. Civil war became inevitable.

The Decree on Peace is the first decree of Soviet power. Designed by V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin) and unanimously adopted on October 26 (November 8, 1917) by the Second Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies after the Russian Provisional Government was overthrown as a result of an armed coup.

The main provisions of the decree:

The Soviet Workers' and Peasants' Government proposes that "all belligerent peoples and their governments begin immediately negotiations on a just democratic peace" - namely, on "immediate peace of annexation of indemnities", that is, without seizure of foreign territories and without forcible recovery of material or monetary compensation from the vanquished. The continuation of the war is seen as "the greatest crime against humanity".

secret diplomacy, "expressing the firm intention to conduct all negotiations completely openly before the whole people, proceeding immediately to the full publication of the secret treaties confirmed or concluded by the government of the landowners and capitalists from February to October 25, 1917", and "declares unconditionally and immediately canceled" the entire content these secret treaties.

The Soviet government proposes "to all governments and peoples of all belligerent countries to immediately conclude an armistice" for peace negotiations and the final approval of peace conditions.

1.5 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk

On October 25, 1917, power in Petrograd passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks, who acted under the slogan: "A world without annexations and indemnities!". It was they who proposed to conclude such a peace to all the belligerent powers in the very first decree of the new government - the Decree on Peace. From mid-November, at the suggestion of the Soviet government, a truce was established on the Russian-German front. It was officially signed on December 2.

The Bolshevik Konstantin Yeremeev wrote: “The truce at the front made the soldiers’ desire to go home, to the village, unstoppable. If after the February Revolution leaving the front was a common occurrence, now 12 million soldiers, the flower of the peasantry, felt superfluous in the army and extremely needed there, at home, where they "divide the earth."

The leakage occurred spontaneously, taking on a variety of forms: many simply went away without permission, leaving their units, most of them capturing rifles and cartridges. Not a smaller number used any legal method - on vacation, on various business trips ... The timing did not matter, since everyone understood that it was only important to get out of military captivity, and there they would hardly be asked to return. "The Russian trenches were rapidly emptying. In some sectors of the front, by January 1918, not a single soldier remained in the trenches, only in some places there were separate military posts.

Going home, the soldiers took away their weapons, and sometimes even sold them to the enemy. December 9, 1917 in Brest-Litovsk, where the headquarters of the German command was located, peace negotiations began. The Soviet delegation tried to defend the idea of ​​a "peace without annexations and indemnities." January 28, 1918 Germany gave Russia an ultimatum. She demanded to sign an agreement under which Russia was losing Poland, Belarus and part of the Baltic States, a total of 150 thousand square kilometers. This placed the Soviet delegation in front of a severe necessity between the proclaimed principles and the demands of life. According to the principles, war should have been waged, and not a shameful peace with Germany. But they didn't have the strength to fight. The head of the Soviet delegation, Leon Trotsky, like other Bolsheviks, painfully tried to resolve this contradiction. Finally, it seemed to him that he had found a brilliant way out of the situation. On January 28, he delivered his famous peace speech at the talks. In short, it came down to the well-known formula: “Do not sign peace, do not wage war, dissolve the army.” Leon Trotsky said: “We are withdrawing our army and our people from the war. Our soldier-plowman must return to his arable land in order to peacefully cultivate land which the revolution has handed over from the hands of the landowners to the hands of the peasants. We are withdrawing from the war. We refuse to sanction the conditions which German and Austro-Hungarian imperialism writes with a sword on the body of the living peoples. We cannot sign the Russian revolution under the conditions oppression, grief and misfortune to millions of human beings. The governments of Germany and Austria-Hungary want to own the lands and peoples by the right of military seizure. Let them do their work openly. We cannot consecrate violence. We are withdrawing from the war, but we are forced to refuse to sign peace treaty." After that, he read out the official statement of the Soviet delegation: "Refusing to sign the annexationist treaty, Russia with its side declares the state of war ended. At the same time, the order is given to the Russian troops for complete demobilization along the entire front."
German and Austrian diplomats were at first really shocked by this incredible statement. There was complete silence in the room for several minutes. Then the German General M. Hoffmann exclaimed: "Unheard of!" The head of the German delegation, R. Kuhlmann, immediately concluded: "Consequently, the state of war continues." "Empty threats!" - L. Trotsky said, leaving the meeting room.

However, contrary to the expectations of the Soviet leadership, on February 18, the Austro-Hungarian troops launched an offensive along the entire front. Almost no one opposed them: only bad roads prevented the advance of the armies. On the evening of February 23, they occupied Pskov, on March 3 - Narva. The Red Guard detachment of sailor Pavel Dybenko left this city without a fight. General Mikhail Bonch-Bruevich wrote about him: "Dybenko's detachment did not inspire confidence in me; it was enough to look at this sailor freemen with mother-of-pearl buttons sewn on wide bell-bottoms, with rollicking manners, to understand that they would not be able to fight with regular German units. My fears were justified ... “On February 25, Vladimir Lenin bitterly wrote in the Pravda newspaper: “Painfully shameful reports about the refusal of the regiments to maintain their positions, about the refusal to defend even the Narva line, about the failure to comply with the order to destroy everything and everyone during the retreat; let's not talk about flight, chaos, handlessness, helplessness, slovenliness"

On February 19, the Soviet leadership agreed to accept the German terms of peace. But now Germany has put forward much more difficult conditions, demanding five times as much territory. About 50 million people lived on these lands; more than 70% of iron ore and about 90% of coal in the country were mined here. In addition, Russia had to pay a huge indemnity.
Soviet Russia was forced to accept these difficult conditions. The head of the new Soviet delegation, Grigory Sokolnikov, read out her statement: “Under the circumstances that have arisen, Russia has no choice. By the fact of the demobilization of its troops, the Russian revolution, as it were, handed over its fate into the hands of the German people. We do not doubt for a minute that this is the triumph of imperialism and militarism over The international proletarian revolution will prove to be only temporary and coming. After these words, General Hoffmann exclaimed indignantly: "Again the same nonsense!". "We are ready," G. Sokolnikov concluded, "to immediately sign a peace treaty, refusing any discussion of it as completely useless under the circumstances."

March 3 Brest peace treaty was signed. Russia lost Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, part of Belarus... In addition, under the agreement, Russia transferred more than 90 tons of gold to Germany. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk did not last long in November, after the revolution in Germany, Soviet Russia annulled it.

1.6 Policy towards the peasantry

The development of events largely depended on the Bolsheviks' choice of the balance between strategic and tactical tasks. The strategic meaning of the actions of the Bolsheviks was recorded by Lenin in the words about the October Revolution: "We started our business solely counting on the world revolution." At the same time, the slogans of the coup itself were not of a purely socialist nature. The Bolsheviks (despite the fact that in February 1917 their party numbered less than 24 thousand members) managed to take power relatively easily. The liberalism of the Provisional Government was perceived by the masses as something inadequate to the realities of the moment. By the Decree on Peace, the Bolsheviks secured armed support from the capital's garrisons. Trotsky openly admitted that the unwillingness of the rear units to move from the barracks to the trench position was used. The slogans "All power to the Soviets" and "Land to the peasants" were also tactical in nature, corresponded to the mood of the peasantry, which constituted the vast majority of the population. according to the labor norm (the Bolshevik program was aimed at the nationalization of the land and large-scale agricultural production with the displacement of commodity relations from it). The slogan "All power to the Soviets" in the minds of the villagers meant the complete predominance of the communal peace, rural assemblies and assemblies in resolving all local issues. Finally, the demand for the immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly played an important role in carrying out the October Revolution.
With the help of the Left Social Revolutionaries who entered the Council of People's Commissars, the Bolsheviks tried to put the slogans of the October Revolution into practice. In an effort to attract the peasants, they did not limit themselves to declarations, transferring to them the landowners, monasteries and office lands, supporting land redistribution on equalizing principles.
It is true that the tactics "groped" by the time of the coup could also contribute to the retention of power. The location on the part of the peasantry provided the Bolsheviks with a relative advantage in the inter-party struggle, and for the time being did not allow the social conflict to develop into a massacre. However, the October tactics of the Bolsheviks inevitably came into conflict with their own strategy - the course towards the world proletarian revolution. Guided by theoretical schemes, the Bolsheviks declared the inevitability of a revolutionary explosion, if not on a world scale, then on a European scale. In Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916) and The State and Revolution (1917), Lenin spoke of socialism as a system naturally arising from imperialism on the basis of a process of monopolization: “Socialism is a universal state monopoly, but aimed at the good of all."
The second part of Lenin's formula implied the special role of the proletarian revolution, which is designed to deprive private individuals of the right to own a monopoly. At the same time, it was considered quite obvious that the finished monopoly is outside the national-state framework, taking on a planetary scale. From such theoretical constructions followed the conviction of the coming "revolutionary fire" in Europe, for which the October events in Russia serve only as a kind of "fuse".
The strategy of the Bolsheviks reflected the thesis of the dictatorship of the proletariat as a stage of transition to the communist system (that is, one in which there will be no state structures, commodity-money mechanisms, and differences between people will be minimized). The dictatorship of the proletariat was identified with socialism. as a short-term stage in the suppression of all anti-proletarian elements and the destruction of private property. The October tactics, therefore, had nothing in common with the thesis of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The consistent implementation of the tactical slogans "All power to the Soviets" and "Land to the peasants" in practice led to the removal of barriers to the "petty-bourgeois elements", to the triumph of the Socialist-Revolutionary agrarian program, to the isolation of individual rural worlds, since with the omnipotence of local councils in a peasant country, there is no the dictatorship of the proletariat was out of the question. The implementation of the October tactics quickly bogged down.
In essence, the question of the priority of tactics to the detriment of strategy was not raised by the Bolsheviks. They associated the task of holding power not so much with the peasantry as with the revolution they expected a hundred times in the West. Back in September 1917, in his article "The Russian Revolution and the Civil War," Lenin stated: "Having won power, the proletariat of Russia has every chance of retaining it and leading Russia to a victorious revolution in the West."
The task of retaining power was solved by the dictatorship of the proletariat. The creation of its apparatus included the dispersal of old institutions or their organizational and personnel renewal, but the main thing was the emergence of bodies that performed the function of suppression. Since October 1917, revolutionary tribunals functioned - volost, district, provincial. 7 (20) December 191? year the Cheka was created.
In January 1918, the Bolsheviks openly abandoned the October tactics. Not having received the desired majority in the Constituent Assembly, they dispersed it and refused the promise to transfer power to it. The emotional and psychological "lining" of Bolshevism was an indisputable conviction that the theory adopted was correct, that its implementation guarantees "universal happiness". This conviction forced us to reject compromises with those who are historically doomed. Lenin in his work "The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution" wrote: "To deny civil wars or forget about them would mean falling into extreme opportunism and renouncing the socialist revolution."
The policy of suppressing entire estates could not but give rise to resistance. In a large part of society, moreover. elements of Russophobia and Bolshevik ideology caused rejection. The open denial of Russian statehood was opposed by people with a developed patriotic consciousness. Anti-Bolshevik sentiment exploded in society after the "obscene" Brest Peace. However, the tension developed into a phase of active hostilities throughout the country, when the fundamental interests of the bulk of the population - the peasantry - were affected.
The inertia of the October tactics of the Bolsheviks in relation to the peasantry was felt until about May 1918, when the surplus appraisal was introduced. Its implementation was accompanied by an ideological attack on the peasantry, criticism of its inertia, unwillingness to understand Marxist schemes, "fit" into revolutionary progress. Lenin declared the peasantry as the bearer of the "petty-bourgeois element" the "main danger" to the socialist revolution. Trotsky "practically" assigned the role of "fertilizer for the world revolution" to the Russian peasantry. By a decree of June 11, 1918, committees of the poor (combeds) were introduced, which were created as a counterbalance to the village councils. With this decree, Lenin connected the beginning of the class struggle in the countryside (the cry "Death to the kulak" was thrown), emphasizing that from October 1917 until the publication The Bolsheviks "went along with the entire peasantry. In this sense ... the revolution was then bourgeois." Kombedy participated in the confiscation of grain reserves, in the seizure of land from wealthy peasants. Peasant state farms and communes were forcibly created, a high degree of socialization in which deprived the villagers even of their personal property. Increased pressure on the Cossacks of the Don, Kuban, Terek, Orenburg. Peasant and Cossack uprisings began to flare up.

The formation of Soviet power

The formation of Soviet power in Russia became possible as a result of the 2nd Congress of the Bolsheviks, which actually crowned the revolution and the forcible seizure of power. This contributed to giving legitimacy to those actions that led to the collapse of the Russian empire and the overthrow of the emperor.

To understand the events of that era, it is necessary to consider the chronology of events in terms of the formation of Soviet socialist power in Russia. It will show the sequence of actions of Lenin with his comrades-in-arms, as well as their key steps that contributed to the formation of Soviet power.

Let's start with the fact that the October coup ended with the opening of the 2nd Congress of Soviets. It happened at the end of the day on October 25, 1917 in Petrograd, in the Smolny Palace. With short breaks, the congress lasted until October 27 inclusive. The meeting was attended by:

Bolsheviks - 390 people.

Socialist-Revolutionaries (left and right wing) - 190 people.

Mensheviks - 72 people.

SD-internationalists - 14 people.

Ukrainian nationalists - 7 people.

Menshevik-internationalists - 6 people.

In total, 739 people attended the meeting, most of which belonged to the Bolsheviks, allowing them to manage the processes of this meeting. The Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks put forward a demand to recognize the illegality of the power of the Bolsheviks, since it was seized as a result of a coup d'état! This demand was not satisfied and the representatives of the opposition left the hall. Thus began the formation of Soviet power, which is simply impossible to describe briefly.

First decrees Soviet country

The 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets continued at 11 am on October 26. On it, Lenin read out the "Decree on Peace", which obliges Russia to start peace negotiations without annexation and indemnity, as well as an immediate truce for 3 months for negotiations. In this document there was a clause according to which all nationalities, previously included by force into Russia, have the right to independence.

The formation of Soviet power took place at an accelerated pace. The Bolsheviks understood that if they did not give the people what they wanted in the shortest possible time, they would not hold out in governing the country for a long time. At the 2nd Congress of Soviets, the Bolsheviks, who clearly defined measures that could strengthen the formation of the state, adopted a directive on peace, a directive on land and a directive on power.

The land directive was announced at 2 am on October 26, 1917. It completely abolished private ownership of land. An egalitarian system of land distribution was introduced throughout the country, while the authorities undertook to periodically produce new sections. The Bolsheviks were not in favor of such a reform. In the form in which it was adopted, this was one of the provisions of the Socialist-Revolutionary program. But they accepted this directive, essentially a Socialist-Revolutionary one, in order to win the love of the peasants. They succeeded. Briefly, the decree on land can be presented as follows:

all transactions with land that becomes completely state property are prohibited;

hired labor on land is prohibited;

all land plots become the property of the state, which provides it to all citizens without exception;

land is provided free of charge, no rents are allowed;

those unable to cultivate the land for health reasons receive a state pension.

The next directive of the Bolsheviks on power was that all power in the country now belonged to the Soviets.

The first steps in the formation of the Soviet country

After the adoption of the main directives that the common people demanded, the Bolsheviks set about reforming the country. V short time the following directives were adopted for the formation of order in the Soviet state. October 29 - directive on the eight-hour working day. November 2 - directive on the equality of the peoples of Russia. November 10 - directive on the liquidation of the estates. November 20 - Decree on recognition national culture Muslims of the country. December 18 - Decree on the equalization of the rights of men and women. January 26, 1918 - the decision on the withdrawal of the church from the state.

On January 10, 1918, after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the 3rd Congress of Soviets of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies took place. Soon the peasant deputies also joined him. This meeting completed the formation of the Soviet authorities, as well as the adoption of the directive on the rights of workers.

In July 1918, the 5th Congress of Soviets was held. As a result, the name of the country was determined - the Russian Socialist Federative Socialist Republic. In addition, the country's constitution was approved. The Congress of Soviets was designated as the supreme body of the state. Executive legislation was assigned to the Council of People's Commissars. The 5th Congress of Soviets ended with the adoption of the emblem and flag of the state.

The formation of Soviet power was actually completed, in the future it was already required to keep it.

First Decrees. The main task of the Bolsheviks from the first days of coming to power was the demolition of the old social structures and the strengthening of their own power.

On the evening of October 25, the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opened in Smolny. Of the 670 congress delegates, more than half were Bolsheviks, about 100 mandates belonged to the left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which supported the Bolshevik idea of ​​an armed uprising. The Mensheviks and Right Socialist-Revolutionaries sharply condemned the actions of the Bolsheviks and demanded that the congress begin negotiations with the Provisional Government on the formation of a new cabinet of ministers based on all sectors of society. Not having received the approval of the congress, the Menshevik and Right Social Revolutionary factions left the meeting. Thus, they deprived themselves of the opportunity to take part in the formation of new authorities, and hence the opportunity to correct the actions of the Bolsheviks "from within". The Left SRs initially also did not accept the proposal of the Bolsheviks to enter the government. They were afraid of a final break with their party, hoping that in the future a coalition government would nevertheless be formed from representatives of the socialist parties.

Taking into account the sad experience of the Provisional Government, which lost its credibility due to its unwillingness to solve the main problems of the revolution, Lenin immediately proposed that the Second Congress of Soviets adopt decrees on peace, land and power.

The Decree on Peace proclaimed Russia's withdrawal from the war. The congress turned to all the belligerent governments and peoples with a proposal for a general democratic peace.

The Decree on Land was based on 242 local peasant mandates, which set out the peasants' ideas about agrarian reform. The peasants demanded the abolition of private ownership of land, the establishment of egalitarian land use with periodic redistribution of land. These demands were never put forward by the Bolsheviks, they were an integral part of the Socialist-Revolutionary agrarian program. But Lenin was well aware that without the support of the peasantry, it would hardly be possible to retain power in the country. Therefore, he intercepted their agrarian program from the Socialist-Revolutionaries. And the peasants followed the Bolsheviks.

The Decree on Power proclaimed the universal transfer of power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. Congress elected new composition All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK). It included 62 Bolsheviks and 29 Left Social Revolutionaries. A certain number of seats were also left to other socialist parties. Executive power was transferred to the interim government - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK) - headed by V.I. Lenin. During the discussion and adoption of each decree, it was emphasized that they were of a temporary nature - until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, which would have to legislate the principles of the state system.

On November 2, 1917, the Soviet government adopted the "Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia", which proclaimed the abolition of national oppression, the provision to the peoples of Russia of equality, complete freedom, self-determination, up to state secession. The Declaration formulated the most important provisions that determined the national policy of the Soviet government: the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia, the right of the peoples of Russia to free self-determination, up to secession and the formation of an independent state, the abolition of all and any national and national-religious privileges and restrictions, the free development of national minorities and ethnic groups inhabiting the territory of Russia.

On November 20, 1917, the Soviet government issued an appeal "To all working Muslims of Russia and the East", in which it declared the beliefs and customs, national and cultural institutions of working Muslims free and inviolable.

On December 18, the civil rights of men and women were equalized. On January 23, 1918, a decree was issued on the separation of the church from the state and the school from the church.

Proclaiming their first decrees, the Bolsheviks sought to ensure their support by the most active part of the population. First of all, the youth came under party control. On October 29, 1918, the All-Russian Congress of the Unions of Workers' and Peasants' Youth announced the creation of the Russian Communist Youth Union (RKSM). Komsomol received the status of "assistant and reserve of the Communist Party." At the same time, back in December 1917, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK) was created under the Council of People's Commissars to "combat counter-revolution, sabotage and profiteering" - the first punitive body of Soviet power. It was headed by F.E. Dzerzhinsky.

Creation of a coalition Soviet government. The decrees of the new government were met with satisfaction by many sections of the population. They were supported by the All-Russian Congresses of Soviets of Peasants' Deputies and the Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

The support of the peasantry for the Bolshevik Decree on Land brought the right SRs to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and the left to the government. In November-December 1917, seven representatives of the Left SRs joined the Council of People's Commissars.

The position of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries finally split the socialist parties into two camps - supporters of the Soviets and adherents of parliamentary democracy. At the same time, V.I. Lenin fiercely resisted any attempts by individual Bolshevik leaders to expand the socialist coalition through some concessions to the Mensheviks and Right Social Revolutionaries. He believed that the parliamentary, social democratic perspective was yesterday's revolution. The Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries, in his opinion, already had a chance, being in the provisional government, to put into practice their program guidelines. However, they did not. Now it was the turn of the Bolsheviks.

The fate of the Constituent Assembly. Having stood in opposition to the Bolshevik government, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries for the time being did not attempt to overthrow it by force, since in the initial post-October period this path was unpromising due to the obvious popularity of Bolshevik slogans among the masses. The bet was made on an attempt to seize power by legal means - with the help of the Constituent Assembly.

The demand for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly appeared in the course of the first Russian revolution. It was included in the programs of almost all political parties. The Bolsheviks waged their campaign against the Provisional Government, among other things, under the slogan of defending the Constituent Assembly, accusing the government of delaying elections to it.

Having come to power, the Bolsheviks changed their attitude towards the Constituent Assembly, declaring that the Soviets were a more acceptable form of democracy under the prevailing conditions. But since the idea of ​​the Constituent Assembly was very popular among the people, and besides, all parties had already put up their lists for elections, the Bolsheviks did not dare to cancel them.

The results of the elections deeply disappointed the Bolshevik leaders. 23.9% of voters voted for them, 40% voted for the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and right-wing Socialist-Revolutionaries prevailed in the lists. The Mensheviks received 2.3% and the Cadets 4.7% of the vote. The leaders of all major Russian and national parties, the entire liberal and democratic elite were elected members of the Constituent Assembly. With such a composition of deputies, it was difficult to wait for the obedient legislative consecration of a fait accompli - the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. The implicitly ripening decision grew into a firm conviction: the Constituent Assembly must be dispersed. The Left SRs supported this idea.

But some pre-emptive steps were taken first.

On November 28, 1917, Lenin signed a decree banning the Constitutional Democratic Party and arresting its leaders. Despite parliamentary immunity, some leaders of the right SRs were also arrested.

On January 3, 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted the "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People" written by V.I. Lenin. The Declaration recorded all the changes that had taken place since October 25, which were regarded as the basis for the subsequent socialist reorganization of society. It was decided to submit this document as the main one for adoption by the Constituent Assembly.

On January 5, the opening day of the Constituent Assembly, a demonstration was held in Petrograd in its defense, organized by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. According to eyewitnesses, 50-60 thousand people took part in it. The demonstration, on the orders of the authorities, was shot by units of the Latvian riflemen supporting the Bolsheviks.

The execution of the demonstration further inflamed the situation in the country, dispelling the last hopes for the possibility of a compromise between the socialist parties.

The Constituent Assembly opened and proceeded in a tense atmosphere of confrontation. The meeting room was filled with armed sailors, supporters of the Bolsheviks. Their behavior was far from the norms of parliamentary ethics. Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya.M. Sverdlov read out the "Declaration of the rights of the working and exploited people" and proposed to adopt it, thereby legitimizing the existence of Soviet power and its first decrees. But the Constituent Assembly refused to approve this document, starting a discussion on the draft laws on peace and land proposed by the Social Revolutionaries. On January 6, early in the morning, the Bolsheviks announced their resignation from the Constituent Assembly. Following them, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries also left the meeting. The discussion, which continued after the departure of the ruling parties, was interrupted late at night by the head of the guard, sailor A. Zheleznyakov, with the message that "the guard was tired." He urged the delegates to leave the premises.

The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, which took place so casually, without arousing the slightest hint of an outburst of popular indignation, made a stunning impression on the parties of revolutionary democracy. They associated with his activities certain hopes for a peaceful way to remove the Bolsheviks from power. Now they began to incline more and more to the need for an armed struggle against the Bolsheviks.

IIIAll-Russian Congress of Soviets: the formation of Soviet statehood. On January 10, 1918, the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' Soldiers' Deputies opened in the Tauride Palace, where the Constituent Assembly had recently met. Three days later he was joined by delegates of the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasants' Deputies. Thus, the unification of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies into a single state system was completed. The United Congress adopted the "Declaration of the rights of the working and exploited people", Russia was proclaimed the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic. The All-Russian Congress of Soviets was recognized as the supreme body of power, in the intervals between congresses - the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, which was elected at the All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Executive power was assigned to the Council of People's Commissars. Representatives of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries took part in the work of the congress. They also entered the new composition of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

III Congress of Soviets adopted the "Basic Law on the Socialization of Land", which approved the principles of equal land use.

Separate peace or revolutionary war? One of the most difficult questions of Russian reality was the question of the war. The Bolsheviks promised the people its speedy completion. However, in the party itself there was no unity on this issue, since it was most closely connected with one of the fundamental provisions of the Bolshevik doctrine - with the idea of ​​a world revolution. The essence of this idea was that the victory of the socialist revolution in backward Russia could be ensured only if similar revolutions took place in the developed capitalist countries and the European proletariat assisted the Russian in eliminating backwardness and building a socialist society. Another idea flowed from the doctrine of the world revolution - the idea of ​​a revolutionary war, with the help of which the victorious Russian proletariat would support the proletariat of other countries in fomenting war with their own bourgeoisie. At the same time, the main stake was placed on the German proletariat. Therefore, it was originally planned that the victorious Bolsheviks would offer all the warring powers to conclude a democratic peace, and in case of refusal, they would start a revolutionary war with world capital.

On November 7, 1917, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Leonid Trotsky addressed the governments of all the warring powers with a proposal to conclude a general democratic peace. A few days later, the Soviet government again repeated its proposal, but only Germany agreed to start negotiations.

According to the logic of Bolshevik principles, it was time to start a revolutionary war. However, having become the head of state, V.I. Lenin dramatically changed his attitude to this issue. He urgently demanded the immediate conclusion of a separate peace with Germany, since in the conditions of the collapse of the army and the economic crisis, the German offensive threatened an inevitable catastrophe for the country, and therefore for the Soviet government. At least a short respite was needed for economic stabilization and the creation of an army.

The proposal of Lenin and his few supporters was opposed by a group of prominent Bolsheviks, later called "Left Communists". Its leader was N.I. Bukharin. This group categorically insisted on the continuation of the revolutionary war, which was supposed to ignite the fire of the world revolution. Unlike Lenin, Bukharin saw the threat to Soviet power not in the offensive of the German army, but in the fact that hatred of the Bolsheviks would inevitably unite the warring Western powers for a joint campaign against Soviet power. And only the international revolutionary front will be able to resist the united imperialist front. The conclusion of peace with Germany will undoubtedly weaken the chances of a world revolution. Bukharin's position was supported by the Left SRs.

Compromise, but not devoid of logic, was the position of L.D. Trotsky, expressed by the formula: "We do not stop the war, we demobilize the army, but we do not sign peace." This approach was based on the belief that Germany was not capable of conducting major offensive operations and that the Bolsheviks did not need to discredit themselves by negotiations. Trotsky did not rule out the possibility of signing a separate peace, but only if the German offensive began. Under this condition, it will become clear to the international working-class movement that peace is a forced measure, and not the result of a Soviet-German agreement.

The split was not limited to the party elite, it also touched its ranks. Most of the party organizations were against the signing of peace. However, Lenin defended his position with incredible stubbornness.

L.D. Trotsky, who headed the Russian delegation, dragged out negotiations with the Germans in every possible way, believing that they had put forward territorial claims unacceptable to Russia. On the evening of January 28, 1918, the Soviet delegation announced the break in negotiations.

On February 18, the Germans launched an offensive on the Eastern Front and, without encountering serious resistance from the Russian troops, began to move inland.

On February 23, the Soviet government received a German ultimatum. The terms of the peace proposed in it were much harder than before. With incredible difficulty, only with the help of the threat of his resignation, Lenin managed to persuade the insignificant majority of the Central Committee of the party, and then the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, to adopt a resolution on the signing of the treaty on German terms.

On March 3, 1918, a separate peace treaty between Russia and Germany was signed in Brest-Litovsk.

Under the terms of the Brest Peace, a territory with a total area of ​​780 thousand km 2 with a population of 56 million people was torn away from Russia (almost a third of the population Russian Empire). These are Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, part of Belarus, Ukraine, some regions of Transcaucasia. Before the revolution, there were 27% of cultivated land, 26% of the railway network, 38% of the textile industry, 73% of iron and steel were smelted, 89% of coal was mined, 90% of the sugar industry, 1073 machine-building plants and, most importantly, 40% of industrial workers lived.

Huge material losses provoked the introduction of emergency measures in the economy.

Economic policy of the new government. Economic ties between town and country in the first half of Soviet power were built according to the scheme inherited by the Bolsheviks from the Provisional Government. While maintaining the grain monopoly and fixed prices, the Soviet government received grain through barter. People's Commissar in terms of food had at its disposal objects of industrial production and on certain conditions sent them to the village, thereby stimulating the delivery of grain.

However, in conditions of all-encompassing instability, the lack of necessary industrial goods, the peasants were in no hurry to give bread to the government. In addition, in the spring of 1918, the grain regions of Ukraine, the Kuban, the Volga region, and Siberia were cut off from Soviet power. The threat of famine loomed over Soviet territory. At the end of April 1918, the daily bread ration in Petrograd was reduced to 50 g. In Moscow, workers received an average of 100 g per day. Food riots began in the country.

The enemy was found without delay - speculators and kulaks hiding their reserves from the state. On May 9, 1918, a decree was adopted "On granting emergency powers to the People's Commissar for Food to combat the rural bourgeoisie, who hide grain stocks and speculate with them." On the basis of this decree, the Bolsheviks switched from a policy of barter between town and country to a policy of forcibly seizing all "surplus" food and centralizing it in the hands of the People's Commissariat of Food. To accomplish this task, armed work detachments were created throughout the country - food detachments, endowed with emergency powers.

But the Bolsheviks feared that the "crusade" announced by the city to the countryside might cause a backlash - the unification of the entire peasantry for an organized grain blockade. Therefore, stakes were placed on splitting the countryside, on opposing the rural poor to all other peasants. This situation was foreseen by V.I. Lenin as far back as 1905. Then, in his work “Two Tactics of Social Democracy in a Democratic Revolution”, he wrote about two stages of the revolution in the countryside. At the first stage, the proletariat, together with the entire peasantry, will abolish feudal landownership, and then at the second stage, in alliance with the poorest peasantry, it will oppose the rural bourgeoisie.

On June 11, 1918, despite the violent objections of the Left SRs, a decree was issued on the formation of committees of the rural poor. Kombeds were entrusted with the function of assisting local food authorities in detecting and seizing grain surpluses from "kulaks and the rich." For their services, the “committees” received remuneration in the form of a certain share of the grain seized by them. The duties of the commanders also included the distribution of bread, basic necessities and agricultural implements between peasant households.

This decree played the role of an exploding bomb in the countryside. He destroyed all the centuries-old foundations, traditions and moral guidelines of the Russian peasantry, sowed enmity and hatred among fellow villagers, thereby fanning the flames of civil war.

Having come to power, the Bolsheviks had two fundamental ideas in their economic baggage: the introduction of workers' control over the production and distribution of products and the need to nationalize all the country's banks and merge them into a single nationwide bank.

On November 14, 1917, a decree and the "Regulations on workers' control" were adopted. The nationalization of private banks in Petrograd began, and banking was declared a state monopoly. A single people's bank of the Russian Republic was created.

On November 17, 1917, the factory of the Likinskaya Manufactory Association (near Orekhovo-Zuev) was nationalized by decree of the Council of People's Commissars. In December 1917, several enterprises in the Urals and the Putilov plant in Petrograd were nationalized. However, initially nationalization was not as a tool for creating a socialist economy, but as a state response to hostile steps on the part of entrepreneurs. Moreover, it was carried out exclusively in relation to individual enterprises, and not to the industry, especially to the industry as a whole, i.e. it was dictated not by economic expediency, but by political motives.

The first results of the economic policy of the new government were deplorable. The revolution inspired the workers with the idea that they are the masters of production and can manage it in their own interests and at their own discretion. The idea of ​​workers' control discredited itself, relegating industry into unimaginable chaos and anarchy. This was also reflected in agriculture: there are no necessary industrial goods - the peasants hide their grain. Hence the famine in the cities, the threat to the existence of the new government.

In early April 1918, V.I. Lenin announced his decision to change the internal political course. His plan called for an end to nationalization and expropriation and the preservation of private capital. According to Lenin, in order to stabilize Soviet power, it was necessary to begin technical cooperation with the big bourgeoisie, restore the authority of the administration at enterprises, and introduce strict labor discipline based on material incentives. Lenin suggested that bourgeois specialists be widely involved in cooperation and was ready to abandon the Marxist principle of equal pay for worker and official. The mixed economic order he conceived was called state capitalism.

However, this new Leninist course did not receive its practical development. The introduction of emergency measures in the agricultural sector required adequate solutions in other sectors of the economy. The Congress of Soviets of the National Economy, which met in May 1918 in Moscow, rejected both state capitalism and workers' control, proclaiming a course towards the nationalization of the most important branches of industry. This course was enshrined in a decree of the Council of People's Commissars of June 28, 1918. The functions of managing nationalized enterprises were transferred to the Supreme Council National economy(VSNKh), which was established in December 1917 to coordinate and unify the activities of all economic bodies and institutions, both central and local.

Thus, the economic policy of the new, Bolshevik government in the first period of its existence went from "socialization of the land" and "workers' control" to food dictatorship, committees, broad nationalization and strict centralization.

Theme of the lesson: "Formation of Soviet power."

Lesson Objectives:

1. Consider the cause-and-effect relationships of the establishment of Soviet power.
2. Continue to develop the ability of students to analyze and synthesize when working with new educational material.
3. To instill in students a sense of patriotism and love for the Motherland.

Educational equipment: a computer, a projector, a demonstration board (it shows a plan-scheme of Petrograd, an excerpt from the film "October", the necessary text).

Board design: topic, questions to the topic, new terms.

New terms: decree, All-Russian Central Executive Committee, Council of People's Commissars.

LESSON PLAN.

1. Organizing time.
2. Frontal survey on the topic: “From February to October”.
3. New topic: "The Formation of Soviet Power".
4. Fixing a new topic.
5. Homework.

DURING THE CLASSES

1. Students take their places, prepare for the lesson.

2. Frontal survey:

1. How has the alignment of political forces changed since the fall of the monarchy?
2. What program did V.I. Lenin outline in his “April Theses”?
3. What were the reasons for the crises of power in the spring and summer of 1917?
4. What goals did General Kornilov pursue?
5. Why did his performance end in defeat?
6. What was the crisis of power on the eve of the October Revolution?

3.

/SLIDE 2/ The name of the topic and the purpose of the lesson appear on the screen, the teacher reads them out. To do this, you will have to familiarize yourself with the decisions of the 2nd Congress of Soviets, you need to understand the essence of the changes in the views of the Bolsheviks on the fate of the Constituent Assembly, to acquaint you with

some basic laws and decrees of the new government. The topic of today's lesson is
continuation of the topics discussed in previous lessons. The main task of the lesson is to find out why exactly such a form of power as the Soviets won in Russia.

To solve this problem, we must analyze the steps of the formation of Soviet power in stages / SLIDE 3 /

/Steps appear on the screen/:

1. October 25-26 - 2nd Congress of Soviets. Storm of the Winter.
2. The first decrees of the Soviet power.
3. The main decrees and laws of the new government.
4. Constituent Assembly and city dissolution.
5. 3rd (unifying) Congress of Soviets.

Having understood these stages of the formation of Soviet power, you will be able to answer the following questions / SLIDE 4 / questions appear on the screen /:

1. Why did V.I. Lenin call the period from October 25, 1917 to February 1918 the “Triumphal March of Soviet Power”?

By answering these questions, we will be able to solve the problem set before us.

“The Formation of Soviet Power”, what events preceded this, what did 1917 bring to Russia? /sample answers/.

- 1st continues World War;

– Happened February Revolution;

- The results of the revolution: the abdication of the king (the overthrow of the autocracy), the establishment of dual power.

What is dual power?

- Dual power - the interweaving of 2 powers: the Soviets and the bourgeois Provisional Government.

When and how did power completely pass to the Provisional Government?

- After the execution of the demonstration on July 5, the Soviets relinquished power in favor of the Provisional Government. It was headed by A.F. Kerensky.

What are the main issues that the government should have solved, but did not solve?

- The question of Peace, because there was a war, and the government continued to wage it, although the people were tired of it;

- About the land, because the land still did not belong to those who worked it, because peasants had small allotments, or no land at all.

What leads to the unresolved issues?

- To the discontent of the people, to unrest.

On October 24-25, 1917, an uprising began in Petrograd. / SLIDE 5/ /on the screen - a plan-scheme of Petrograd "October Revolution of 1917" /

The teacher shows and explains what important strategic objects were captured by the rebels /bridges, telegraph, post office, power plant, etc./

On October 25, 1917, at 10 o'clock in the morning, an appeal was published stating that the socialist revolution, about which the Bolsheviks had been talking for so long, had come to pass.

/ The text of the appeal appears on the screen / SLIDE 6 /. The teacher reads the text of the appeal. At 21:40 The assault on the Winter Palace begins. / Appendix 1. SLIDE 7 / on the screen is an excerpt from Eisenstein's film “October”, “Storm of the Winter Palace” /. You have now watched the film, but this fragment is fiction, in fact, the gates were open, there was no resistance, in total 6 people died on both sides, but the “passions” were so heated that even contemporaries thought what could be.

Almost at the same time, at 22:45, the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies begins its work. 739 deputies from 402 Soviets: 338 Bolsheviks, 127 Left SRs - adhere to the idea of ​​an armed uprising, and the Mensheviks and Right SRs condemned the actions of the Bolsheviks and demanded to start negotiations with the Provisional Government. The meeting was opened by the oldest delegate, the Menshevik Fyodor Ilyich Dan. At the first meeting, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was absent; he led the uprising.

After the congress adopted an appeal to the "Workers, soldiers and peasants" and proclaimed the establishment of Soviet power. The Mensheviks and Right SRs left the hall in protest.

At the beginning of the sixth morning, a break was announced until the evening. On the evening of October 26, 1917, the second meeting took place, at which the most vital questions were discussed. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin spoke on questions "about land" and "peace". The class is divided into three groups. (work with documents in groups). /SLIDE 8/

Group 1 - Decree on "Peace".

From the decree on "Peace"

The Workers' and Peasants' Government, created by the revolution of October 24-25 and based on the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, proposes to all
belligerent peoples and their governments to begin immediately negotiations for a just,
democratic world. countries, a world which, in the most definite and insistent manner,

The Russian workers and peasants demanded after the overthrow of the tsarist monarchy - such a world
the government considers immediate peace without annexations (i.e. without the seizure of foreign lands, without
forcible annexation of foreign nationalities) and without indemnity ...

Question to the document: Why was the decree on “Mir” the first decree of Soviet power, and what is its significance?

Group 2 - Decree on "Earth"

From the Decree on "Earth"

... Landlord estates, as well as all specific lands, monastic, church,
with all their living and dead inventory, manor buildings and all accessories, they pass to the order of the Volost Land Committees and District Councils of Peasant Deputies, pending the resolution of the issue of land by the Constituent Assembly ...

Peasant order about the land

... The most fair resolution of the land issue should be as follows:

1) The right of private ownership of land is abolished forever; land may not be sold, bought, leased or pledged, or alienated in any other way. All land: state, appanage, monastic, church, possessive, majorate, privately owned, public and peasant, etc., is alienated free of charge, turned into the property of the whole people and transferred to the use of all those working on it ...

6) The right to use land is given to all citizens (without distinction of sex) of the Russian state who wish to work it with their own labor, with the help of the whole family or partnership, and only as long as they are able to work it. Hired labor is not allowed ...

7) Land use should be egalitarian, i.e. the land is distributed among the working people, according to local conditions according to labor and consumer norms ...

8) All land, according to its alienation, goes to the nationwide land fund. The distribution of it among the working people is managed by local and central governments ...

The land fund is subject to periodic redistribution depending on population growth and raising the productivity and culture of agriculture ...

Question to the document: How did the Bolsheviks propose to solve the agrarian question?

Group 3 - "On the formation of a workers' and peasants' government"

"On the Formation of a Workers' and Peasants' Government"

To form for administration, until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, a provisional workers' and peasants' government, which will be called the Council of People's Commissars. The management of individual branches of state life is entrusted to commissions, the composition of which should ensure the implementation of the program proclaimed by the congress, in close unity with the mass organizations of workers, working women, sailors, soldiers, peasants and employees ...

Control over the activities of People's Commissars and the right to dismiss them belongs to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies and its Central Executive Committee.

Question to the document: What functions should the new authorities of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars perform?

On the screen, a question for all groups: What are these decrees aimed at and what are they caused by? / SLIDE 8 /

Work for 5-7 minutes, you can use textbooks for clarification.

Representatives of the groups, after the end of the time, answer the questions posed to the documents:

1. What are the branches of government?
2. Which branch of the government belongs to and what was its name?

Council of People's Commissars, headed by V.I. Lenin, executive power.

Legislative power passed to the Congress of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, and in the interval between congresses - to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

(VTsIK). Chairman - at first Kamenev, but soon - Sverdlov.

A decree on the abolition of the death penalty at the front, introduced by the Provisional Government, was also adopted.

The government of the young state issues a number of laws and decrees /SLIDE 9 /on the screen/. Distribute the list of decrees and laws in printed form to students before the lesson,

December 7, 1917 - formation of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage (VChK).

This date was determined by the Provisional Government, and since. the Bolsheviks, until October 1917, demanded the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, the Soviet government was forced to hold elections and set a date for the start of the assembly.

Open your textbooks on page 95, read the section “The Fate of the Constituent Assembly”, determine and write down in your notebook the reasons for the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. After students give their sample answers, reasons appear on the screen.

/SLIDE 10/. The teacher pronounces them:

1. Refusal of the Constituent Assembly to discuss the “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People”;

2. The refusal of the Constituent Assembly to accept the demand of the Bolsheviks for the recognition of the existing government, its decrees and policies as a reality;

3. Dispersal by military units who believed the Bolsheviks, demonstrations of supporters of the Constituent Assembly.

Students, if they wrote the reasons incorrectly, did not cope with the work, write off the reasons in a notebook from the screen.

On January 10, 1918, the 3rd All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies began its work in the Tauride Palace, and on January 13, delegates of the 3rd All-Russian Congress of Peasants' Deputies joined them, thus completing the unification of the Soviets into a single state system. The Unity Congress adopted the "Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People", declaring Russia a Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). And he instructed the All-Russian Central Executive Committee to develop a constitution for the new state.

From October 25, 1917 to February 1918, V.I. Lenin described it as a “triumphal march of Soviet power.” Indeed, in most cases, power passed to the Soviets peacefully. (out of 97 cities in 79). In the future, the resistance of the counter-revolution to the new government grew into civil war, but this is the topic of the next lessons.

4. Now let's return to the questions that were asked at the beginning of the lesson (questions reappear on the screen): / SLIDE 11 /

1. When did the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets take place?
2. What is the essence of the decrees adopted at the congress?
3. What was the significance of the first decrees of Soviet power?
4. What new authorities appeared in the country?
5. Who was the first to head the new government and what was it called?
6. Why did the Bolsheviks, who before October demanded the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, disperse it?
7. Why did V.I. Lenin call the period from October 25, 1917 to February 1918 the “Triumphal March of Soviet Power”?

The students answer the questions. Now let's sum up and answer the main question: Why did such a form of power as the Soviets win in Russia? The students answer this question. The teacher summarizes and summarizes.

Write the terms that are written on the board in your notebook. (Decree, All-Russian Central Executive Committee Council of People's Commissars, RSFSR, VChK).

4. Homework.

Each state has its own symbols, a message is preparing for the next lesson.

About the coat of arms, about the flag, about the anthem, about the constitution of the RSFSR. The teacher assigns students who prepare messages.

Find the meaning of the terms "coup" and "revolution".

Despite the fact that the term “revolution” sounded today, think about the question - in October 1917, a revolution or coup took place. Justify your answer.

Paragraphs 12, 13 (before the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk).

Synopsis on the history of Russia

The action of anti-Soviet forces on October 24 in Petrograd formed the All-Russian Committee " salvation of the motherland and revolution". It includes the city duma and the delegates who left the congress. 26.10 Kerensky gives the order to march on Petrograd. The troops are commanded by General Krasnov. At his disposal were several Cossack hundreds, junkers and small military units - about 5 thousand people. On October 28, Krasnov occupied Tsarskoye Selo, and on October 29, an uprising of the Junkers broke out in Petrograd. Krasnov's offensive and the uprising of the junkers were suppressed. An attempt at a peaceful liquidation of the Council of People's Commissars with the help of the All-Russian Executive Committee of the Trade Union of Railway Workers (VIKZHEL). Under the threat of a strike, VIKZHEL demands the creation of a multi-party socialist government. The idea was supported by some Bolshevik leaders (Kamenev, Rykov). As a result of Lenin's victory over the opposition, a split occurred in the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and the Council of People's Commissars. 15 people announced their resignation. Sverdlov was elected chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (Kamenev resigns).

The establishment of Soviet power in Moscow. The struggle in Moscow turned out to be more protracted and serious than in Petrograd. In Moscow, under the Soviets, the Military Revolutionary Committee is being created (headed by the Bolsheviks). There was no unity in the MRC (5 out of 13 members of the MRC were against armed actions). In addition, the Salvation Society committee claims power. The MRC occupied the Kremlin. On October 28, cadets and officers massacred the Kremlin garrison. In Moscow, a general strike began, which grew into an uprising. 2.11 the Soviets took power. 3.11 revolutionary troops captured the Kremlin.

Establishment of Soviet power on the ground. There was also a third center of resistance - the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev. On November 9, Commander-in-Chief Dukhonin, who refused to obey the orders of the Council of People's Commissars, was removed, and Krylenko was appointed in his place. The headquarters was captured by the capital's troops, and Dukhonin was killed by soldiers.

The process called by Lenin " The triumphal procession of Soviet power”(late October 1917 - March 1918), was neither simple nor brief, especially in the peasant regions, primarily in the Central Black Earth, where the Socialist-Revolutionaries enjoyed strong influence. Revolutionary power was established in the cities, and then in the adjacent villages.

Late 1917 - early 1918 - Cossack counter-revolution on the Don. Ataman Kaledin opposed the Soviet regime. Antonov-Ovseenko, at the head of the Red Guard and revolutionary regiments, suppressed Kaledin's speech. Kaledin shot himself. In the same period - the rebellion of Ataman Dutov in Orenburg. The rebellion is crushed. In March, the Don Soviet Republic was proclaimed. Soviet power won relatively easily even in Siberia and Kazakhstan. This was due to the lack of a single center of the enemy.

The victory of the revolution in the national regions. First, Soviet power was established in Belarus, then in the Baltic states. In Ukraine, the Central Rada seized power, relying on German bayonets. The Germans then dispersed the Rada and replaced it with Hetman Skoropadsky. Later, Soviet power is established in Transcaucasia and Central Asia.

Socio-economic and political transformations of the Soviet power. Creation and strengthening of the Soviet statehood. The demolition of the old state machine and the creation of a new one, based on the soviets. The construction of the new statehood assumed the use of the old technical, accounting, economic and supply agencies. Creation of the apparatus on the ground. Creation of organs for the protection of Soviet power. December 7, 1917 - the Cheka is created under the Council of People's Commissars (headed by Dzerzhinsky). The militia of the Provisional Government is liquidated and the Soviet militia is created. The old army is being demobilized and a new Red Army is being created. Creation of courts and revolutionary tribunals. Recovering the death penalty. Agreement between the Bolsheviks and the Social Revolutionaries. In early December, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party held three-day negotiations with the Central Committee of the Socialist-Revolutionaries. As a result of negotiations, 7 SRs became commissars. The Social Revolutionaries are included in the leadership of the Red Army and the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.

Social transformations. Elimination of the remnants of feudalism: Decree on the equalization of the rights of women and men, on the separation of the church from the state and the school from the church. National Question: Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia dated November 2, 1917. (the equality of peoples, their right to self-determination is established). Social activities: eight-hour working day; labor protection system for women and teenagers; sickness and unemployment insurance; salary increase; free education and medical care; attempt to solve the problem of housing.

Economic transformation. An important act was the formation of the Supreme Economic Council (December 2, 1917) with broad powers in the field of economics. Under the Supreme Economic Council, the main sectoral committees are being created. Local economic councils operate. Introduction of workers' control over the production and distribution of products. Nationalization of banks. The beginning of the nationalization of industry. Nationalization railways and merchant fleet. In the spring of 1918, entire industries were nationalized - sugar, oil. 01/28/1918 - Decree on the annulment of external and internal loans concluded by the tsarist and provisional governments. Conclusion: by the end of 1917, a state of the dictatorship of the proletariat was taking shape, taking the form of the dictatorship of the Bolsheviks.