Grigory Tomchin - biography, photos. Grigory Tomchin: a properly functioning parliament issues the best decisions

10.04.2020

Born on December 4, 1947 in Leningrad. In 1972 he graduated from the Leningrad Shipbuilding Institute (designer). In 1995 he was awarded the medal "For Services to the Fatherland".

He began his career in 1972 as a designer of the 3rd category in the Leningrad Design and Customs Bureau "Rubin", where he worked until 1992 as a designer of the 2nd, 1st category, as an acting director. the head of the sector, then - the leading engineer.

From 1992 to 1993 he was the head of the department economic research privatization of the North-Western Agro-Industrial Exchange, was an expert of the Committee on Economic Reform of the Supreme Council Russian Federation.

In 1992 he participated in the development state program privatization in 1992

In 1993 he moved to work in State Institute problems of privatization in the position of the head of the department.

From 1993 to 1994, he was the head of the department for privatization of industrial enterprises, the construction complex and infrastructure sectors of the Committee for the Management of City Property of the St. Petersburg Mayor's Office.

In 1994-1996 - Member of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.

From 1996 to 1999, he headed the All-Russian Association of Privatized and Private Enterprises.

Best of the day

In December 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation, Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Property.

From 1996 to the present - a member of the Russian Tripartite Commission for the regulation of social and labor relations by employers, a member Coordinating Council Associations of Employers of Russia, member of the analytical group for interaction with regional structures of political parties, leader of the St. Petersburg branch of the Union of Right Forces.

Married, has a daughter.

We continue the joint project with the historiographic community "Politics at the turn of the eras" under common name"Parliamentarism new Russia". As part of this project, our readers will be able to read interviews with deputies of the State Duma of Russia of the first convocation, learn how the work in parliament was organized and what they, the people's deputies, are like in person.

Our next guest is Grigory Tomchin, deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first and third convocations.

- Grigory Alekseevich, what paths led you to the first parliament of the new Russia?

I'll start with the fact that I'm from the senior schoolchildren of the 60s, the period that is called the "thaw". And more precisely, the period when this very “thaw” in power had already ended, and below it was still going on. That is, there was a rather long inertia, which gave rise to "kitchen dissidents" with "kvartirniks", creativity, bards, poetry evenings and other attributes of that time. By the time I entered the institute, I already had a firm understanding that for some reason we were lagging behind in everything: in the economy, in living standards, and in development. We all sort of plan, but we always fall behind. And, of course, he began to delve into different disciplines in order to understand what was the matter?

Then, I joined the party, I was assigned to work after graduation. Already there, in production, I participated in the introduction of self-financing, and stood in line for a leadership position, which I was not given, because I was a Jew, and then there was a limit on the number of Jews employed in production, and even more so for leadership positions. Now it's hard to believe it, but in the supposedly international Soviet system there was a limit on people with the wrong nationality. And already in the early 80s of the last century, I realized that I was doomed to be. Not in terms of living, but in terms of existing: live in a certain apartment, go to a certain dacha, have a certain car, rest no further than the Black Sea or the Baltic states, work no higher than a certain level, receive no more than certain amounts, and so on. And that's it! And the brains are working forward, I want more, I want development.

I became an activist. Went and campaigned people. Naturally, overgrown with relevant literature. And it often read, for example, in large print: “The USSR produces more tractors than the United States. We have 256,000 tractors a year, while in the US we only have 150,000.” And below is a link and in small, small print: “Without gardening” - and, for a moment, 850,000 of them are produced in the USA, while in the USSR they are not produced at all. And all this was called the official guide to agitation. This is the first angle. The second angle is related to the fact that I worked in the production of submarines. It would seem that we have always been told that we have the best weapons. But that also turned out to be a lie. Using the example of submarines, I can say that they were much worse. An interesting example, do you know why our submarines are big? I will answer: the most important thing in a submarine is silence, but in production they made bearings that rattled like a freight train, so in our submarines everything is on shock absorbers, which take up a lot of space. We were almost always late in technology, despite the fact that the Soviet government poured trillions of rubles into the military-industrial complex.

And then there were food stamps. It was already the end of the 80s. Here, almost the entire society, and not its individual representatives, began to rack their brains, what is happening in general? Why, if we are so advanced, do we have food stamps? Then I had one of the first ideas of the social democratic persuasion, that we have incorrectly defined the boundaries of the working class. That today the main producer of material goods is engineers. But in reality, the higher your education, the less you get. That is, once you have higher education, you immediately enter yourself into second-class people, since there is a first-class: the hegemonic class is a worker, a simple handyman who does not always have even vocational education. I wrote an article "Engineer-worker", in which I tried to push the boundaries of socialism. This was my first big post. And almost until the very 1990s, I toyed with this idea that as soon as we push the boundaries of socialism and the working class, the state will orient itself differently and work differently. But in the 1990s, the Democratic Platform happened in the CPSU, in which I began to work. I managed to create a cell of the Democratic Platform of 60 people at my closed factory. And now this Democratic platform crossed the line between the socialist idea of an engineer-worker in the NEP part with freedom of trade and other attributes. Then the elections to the Leningrad City Council began. Together with me and another person from the Demoplatform, the head of the tram and trolleybus depot was nominated. And while we were convincing the population of the intricacies and delights of a democratic and liberal idea, the head of the depot promised elementary things like Zhirinovsky. The issue, of course, was decided in his favor. After that, I ended up in the Petersburg democratic party, and from us Pyotr Filippov got into the Supreme Soviet, and we, as it were, were with him. Next, he brought us to the property committee in the Supreme Council, where we worked in the morning and afternoon, and in the evenings we gave lectures on privatization to old women. And for a whole year it was not just lectures, but a conveyor belt: Petr Filippov gives a lecture for 45 minutes, then I read for 45 minutes while he is resting, then he is again while I am resting, and so on. Gradually, the contingent began to change at our lectures. At first they just walked from the street. Then, chief accountants began to go to improve their qualifications, then deputy directors of enterprises. Such is the evolution. In parallel, the Democratic Russia was created, where I became a member of the council of representatives, first in St. Petersburg, then in Moscow. That is, we began to actively fight and the backbone of democratic forces began to take shape.

And then came 1991. My wife and I were on vacation. Naturally, I decided to go back to St. Petersburg, follow the events and help. As my wife says: “As you left then, you still haven’t returned.” In St. Petersburg, we organized the headquarters of democratic forces and counteraction to the State Emergency Committee, which is located in the Mariinsky Palace. It is interesting to remember that there were two headquarters: "white" and "black". "White" is on the upper floors of the palace, where Starovoitova, Sobchak and others were. And the “black” is us, where decisions were made, leaflets were prepared, rallies were organized. After that, I became the head of the St. Petersburg privatization department. And so on until 1993, before the elections to the first State Duma, in which I passed on the list of "Russia's Choice".

Democratic Russia was the basis of many parties. When it ended its existence, the entire spectrum of today's democratic forces came out of it. Why couldn't she regroup, so that there would be no disintegration into disparate components, but remain a single whole?

Yes, the Democratic Russia was the basis of all democratic parties. Protoparty. But it was, at the same time, really the party in power, but without the bureaucracy, as it is today. That is, she did not formally hold office, but she was the real European proto-party of power under Yeltsin. And it was not built for real democracy. It was built to fight, to destroy the Communist Party and its ideology. What then, after the destruction, there were a million views that disintegrated into the entire democratic spectrum. And this entire democratic spectrum could not develop a unanimous opinion on how to build the future. Therefore, when a platform was being formed for real elections, for Russia's Choice, there was already a real ideological division. The first parliament was clearly ideologically marked, and all this talk about cooperation with Yabloko is nonsense.

- So why the Democrats could not agree among themselves?

Because the Democratic Russia was aimed at destroying the former, Soviet, ideology. And what and how to build then - everyone had their own thoughts. Russia's Choice, and then the Democratic Choice of Russia, was a right-liberal party. Yabloko is left-liberal, practically social democrats.

Why, then, did all those democratic parties that got into the first parliament not merge into Russia's Choice or Yabloko, but began their separate existence with a handful of followers?

Because in addition to the left and right-liberal ideology, there were still a lot of spectra. It was also the unformedness of these spectra

- Nikolai said that under his party it was possible to unite, he suggested this, but no one wanted to, why?

By the time of the elections, his DPR had lost all kinds of electorate. There were just nothing in the Duma.

In one of your interviews, you said that Russia's Choice was a very amorphous organization, not what it was supposed to be. Why did you say so?

The presence of a large number of non-party single-mandate members who came to us after the elections, and not before them, moved him towards social democracy. Single-members are always more inclined towards this direction.

There is an opinion that Boris Yeltsin distanced himself from the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first convocation, thus preventing the "Choice of Russia", which was considered a pro-presidential bloc, from becoming a party with a significant majority in the votes, which would make it possible to quickly pass the bills necessary for reforming the new Russia. Is it so?

Yeltsin was promised everything and proved by polls, statistics, forecasts that the "Choice of Russia" would be the first and would gain many percent. And he scored 15%. LDPR - 16%. Including, therefore, he was offended and never came to the State Duma in two years. This, by the way, was a mistake, not his, but his team's, which advised him, the president, to do this. In addition, he was afraid of parties. He declared that he was the president of all Russians. At that time, there was still no deep understanding of what a parliament and a party system were.

- Why do you think the Duma was elected for two years?

It was impossible according to the Constitution. In addition, it was a compromise with society and a struggle for the electorate. And the fact that there were also members of the government in the Duma, which was then possible by law, it was Yeltsin's decision, he thought that then there would be no elections. It was a mistake, by the way.

But there was also another major error in the Constitution, which was known but not considered serious. All parliamentary countries have control over budget spending. Not a report, but a control. We, the parliament, have taken control over the preparation of the budget, but the report on its expenditure has not. This control had to be done and done with consequences for the ministers, so that more often than once a year the committees of the Duma could call on this or that minister with a report on the expenses in his direction. It was possible to do this with the simultaneous launch of the impeachment of an individual minister. In turn, the lack of control made Yeltsin a hostage to his own Cabinet, and this is wrong and harmful. Then the whole structure of government would be different. This was a mistake both personally by Shakhrai and by the Constitutional Commission, in which he was. And it was from this mistake that today's vertical of power was born.

And one more mistake, ours, Gaidar's team, that we did not create a program of state building for the sake of economic reforms. We were fixated on the economy. So we got pretty today interesting country: we have the entire democratic set, we have the most transparent electoral system in the world ... But all institutions are underdeveloped: municipalities - nothing, ministries - one name, governors - nothing, the Accounts Chamber is not subordinate to parliament. There is nothing behind all the names, nothing works as it should.

As you know, in the elections to the first State Duma, the most surprising thing was the victory of the Liberal Democratic Party on the lists. Was it a protest vote?

Yes, it was a protest vote. But, by the way, he scored as much as he was supposed to, and we didn’t get another 15 percent. And he brought quite a lot of benefits: he took the entire violent electorate out of the street and gave them an outlet in parliament. Therefore, Russia should be grateful to him for this.

In the first Duma, as in subsequent ones, the LDPR successfully cooperated with the Communist Party. Why did they succeed in tandems, while the Democrats either did not at all, or yes, but with such a creak?

They were aimed at destruction, and we - at creation. It is easier to cooperate in destruction than in creation. Our main ally, Russia's Choice, of course, was to be Yabloko, but because of the stubbornness of its leader, we lost a lot both in the economy and in the state system. My personal main gripe with this party is that we came up with a law on the fate of settlements, deliberately pushing aside forest land, agricultural land, so that people and businesses can start selling and buying land. We were six votes short. Because of Yabloko, which did not like the procedure prescribed in the document. And this could change the entire structure of the economy in the country, enterprises could buy the land on which they stand for cheap, so that later they would not depend on either the municipality or the governor, or anyone at all. It was possible to adopt the document as a whole, and then discuss the procedural nuances for the second reading. But…

In his welcoming speech at the first meeting of the first State Duma, the then Prime Minister Chernomyrdin called on the deputies to remove the words "intolerance" and "impatience" from the lexicon of the elect. Were the deputies tolerant of each other?

We were an ordinary parliament. And with fights, and with intolerance. People who are elected and tested by the crowd, they develop certain habits and reflexes, which are then projected in parliament.

Therefore, among other things, my colleagues and I worked hard on the regulations of the State Duma, according to which it is still working. Then they blamed us for this, they say, there is a mess in the country, and you write the regulations here. But few people understood that this is a very important document that prescribes how to pass laws, how to speak, how many readings, how committees and commissions work, how to make a decision in the presence of four hundred opinions, how to vote, how to conduct an examination of bills ... Otherwise there would be complete bedlam for a very long time, which would affect the country, the well-being of the people. In this regard, I worked very well with the communist Lukyanov. Although he is a communist, but as far as the procedure is concerned, everything is iron for him. It was a colossal work and for me personally a colossal parliamentary school. Thanks to this work, I realized that a properly built parliament and political parties will produce the best decisions.

- Did the regulations allow the Duma to become a place for discussions?

Certainly. That's something, but there were at least some discussions. By the way, I remembered an interesting case in connection with this about Kashpirovsky. When each deputy did not yet have a microphone, and the microphones stood between the rows, and there was a queue of people who wanted to say something to them. He then almost never could get through to the microphone. I then understood why. Because he could work only with weak people, and with the strong, who went through the fire and copper pipes of the elections, the test of the crowd, they were beyond his control, he was afraid of them. The hall was so strong energetically that he was uncomfortable in it.

- And when did the State Duma cease to be a place for discussions?

It is debatable whether it has stopped or not. I believe that this is a place for discussion when making decisions. And when the Duma ceased to be a place for decision-making, then discussions disappeared by themselves. And it was formed by 2003, somewhere.

Some of your colleagues said that the deputies were under pressure from the executive branch. This is true?

The pressure was practically not felt, but the question is not in the pressure. At that time, together with the government, we created a commission on legislation under the government, which still exists. And this is correct, because the opinion of the government must be, and it must be reflected in some way. Here we again return to the fact that there should be parliamentary control over the expenditure of budget funds, since in this case the ministers themselves are under pressure, then they cannot put excessive pressure on the deputies.

- Could you point out the most important law adopted by the State Duma of the first convocation?

It's very difficult to say. The First Duma adopted almost all the laws because of their importance, consistency, and out of necessity, many of which are still in force. These are the Criminal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, the Civil Code, the Code of Administrative Offenses. Laws “On Joint Stock Companies”, “On the Securities Market”, “On Elections”, “On Referendum”… And this is only a small part of what we have done for the country. In the plan of the first State Duma, one cannot say that some law was important, and some was not. The First Duma created a legal and legislative field in the country, which was destroyed by the transition from the USSR to the new Russia, and the Supreme Soviet could not do this. The country cannot live without a legislative field. And the State Duma of the first convocation fulfilled this task brilliantly!

The traditional question I ask everyone I talk to. Continue the phrase: “The State Duma of Russia of the first convocation is: ...”?

- ... An excellent school of parliamentarism for Russia.


Grigory Alekseevich Tomchin
Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
April 3, 2002 - December 29, 2003
Predecessor:	Sergey Yurievich Glazyev
Successor:	Valery Gavrilovich Draganov

Religion:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Birth:	December 4(1947-12-04 ) (72 years old) Leningrad
Death:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value). Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Place of burial:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Dynasty:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Name at birth:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Father:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Mother:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Spouse:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Children:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
The consignment:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Education:
Academic degree:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Profession:	constructor
Activity:	politician

Site:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).

Autograph:	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).
Monogram :	Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).

Awards:
Lua error in Module:Wikidata on line 170: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).

Lua error in Module:CategoryForProfession on line 52: attempt to index field "wikibase" (a nil value).

Grigory Alekseevich Tomchin(born December 4, 1947, Leningrad) - Russian political figure, former chairman of the St. Petersburg branch of the Union of Right Forces party, former member of the Public Chamber of the Russian Federation, deputy of the State Duma of the first and third convocations (1993-1995, 1999-2003), president of the All-Russian Association of Privatized and Private Enterprises.

Biography

Born into a military family.

In 1992, he participated in the development of the 1992 state privatization program. From 1993 to 1994, he was the head of the department for privatization of industrial enterprises, the construction complex and infrastructure sectors of the Committee for the Management of City Property of the St. Petersburg Mayor's Office. Later he claimed that "both small-scale privatization and large-scale privatization were brilliant in St. Petersburg." In 1993, he moved to work at the State Institute for Privatization Problems as the head of a department.

Political activity

He was a member of "Democratic Russia", in 1993 he became a member of the electoral bloc "Russia's Choice". In 1994 - one of the co-founders of the party. Later, assessing the situation, he noted that, in his opinion, “initially, the party also developed too amorphous, not as tough as necessary.” In 1994-1996 - Deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, member of the Russia's Choice faction. since January 20, 1994 - member of the State Duma Committee on Property, Privatization and economic activity.

As part of the discussion within the Democratic Choice of Russia party, he adhered to the line of supporting the candidacy of B. N. Yeltsin in the 1996 presidential election. At the same time, he believes that in the period after 1996, “not even the FER, but the Duma itself fell out of the system of power,” which had an extremely negative impact on the development of parliamentarism in Russia. At the same time, he speaks of some influence of the FER even on the Duma of the second convocation: “due to professionalism, due to the constant participation of the Gaidar team in consultations between the government and parliament.”

From 1996 to 1999, he headed the All-Russian Association of Privatized and Private Enterprises. Since January 28, 1997 - Member of the Council under the Government of the Russian Federation on social development.

In December 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the third convocation on the federal list of the Union of Right Forces block, deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee on Property. When the party "Choice of Russia" was merged, he became a member of the Union of Right Forces.

Since January 28, 2000 - member of the State Duma Committee on Property. Since February 9, 2000 - Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Economic Policy and Entrepreneurship. On April 3, 2002, he was relieved of the post of Deputy Chairman of the Committee and removed from the State Duma Committee on Property and introduced to the State Duma Committee on Economic Policy and Entrepreneurship, and, on the same day, was appointed Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Economic Policy and Entrepreneurship. Since September 11, 2002 - Member of the State Duma Commission on the State Debt and Foreign Assets of the Russian Federation.

in 2006 - member of the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation, head of the intercommission working group Subcommittees on Competitiveness, Self-Regulatory Organizations and Consumer Protection.

In 2011 - a candidate for deputy of the State Duma from the political party "Just Cause". He is a member of the Federal Political Council of this party.

Awards

Personal life

Write a review on the article "Tomchin, Grigory Alekseevich"

Notes

- Red Star, May 23, 2003
// Yegor Gaidar Foundation

An excerpt characterizing Tomchin, Grigory Alekseevich

– My name was Maria... But does it really matter here?
- Yes, of course! Stella laughed. - And how to communicate with you? When you leave, they will give you a new name, but while you are here, you will have to live with the old one. Have you spoken to anyone else here, Maria girl? - Out of habit, jumping from topic to topic, Stella asked.
“Yes, I did…” the little girl said uncertainly. “But they are so strange here. And so miserable... Why are they so miserable?
“But is what you see here conducive to happiness?” I was surprised by her question. – Even the local “reality” itself kills any hopes in advance!.. How can one be happy here?
- I do not know. When I’m with my mother, it seems to me that I could be happy here too ... True, it’s very scary here, and she really doesn’t like it here ... When I said that I agreed to stay with her, she yelled at me and said that I am her "brainless misfortune" ... But I'm not offended ... I know that she's just scared. Just like me...
- Perhaps she just wanted to save you from your "extreme" decision, and only wanted you to go back to your "floor"? - Carefully, so as not to offend, asked Stella.
- No, of course ... But thank you for Nice words. Mom often called me not very good names, even on Earth ... But I know that this is not out of malice. She was just unhappy because I was born, and often told me that I ruined her life. But it wasn't my fault, was it? I always tried to make her happy, but for some reason I didn’t really succeed ... But I never had a dad. Maria was very sad, and her voice trembled, as if she was about to cry.
Stella and I looked at each other, and I was almost sure that similar thoughts had visited her ... I already really disliked this spoiled, selfish "mother", who, instead of worrying about her child herself, did not care about his heroic sacrifice at all. I understood and, in addition, hurt me more painfully.
- But Dean says that I'm good, and that I make him very happy! - the little girl murmured more cheerfully. And he wants to be friends with me. And the others I met here are very cold and indifferent, and sometimes even angry... Especially those who have monsters attached...
- Monsters - what? .. - we did not understand.
“Well, they have scary monsters on their backs and tell them what they should do. And if they don't listen, the monsters mock them terribly... I tried to talk to them, but these monsters won't let me.
We understood absolutely nothing of this “explanation”, but the very fact that some astral beings torture people could not remain “explored” by us, therefore, we immediately asked her how we could see this amazing phenomenon.
- Oh, everywhere! Especially at the Black Mountain. There he is, behind the trees. Do you want us to go with you too?
– Of course, we will be happy! - Stella immediately answered delighted.
To be honest, I also didn’t really smile at the prospect of dating someone else, “creepy and incomprehensible,” especially alone. But interest overcame fear, and we, of course, would have gone, despite the fact that we were a little afraid ... But when a defender like Dean was with us, it immediately became more fun ...
And now, in a short moment, a real Hell unfolded in front of our wide-open eyes with amazement... world... Of course, he was not crazy, but was simply a seer who, for some reason, could see only the lower Astral. But we must give him credit - he portrayed him superbly ... I saw his paintings in a book that was in my dad's library, and I still remembered that terrible feeling that most of his paintings carried ...
- What a horror! .. - whispered the shocked Stella.
One could probably say that we have already seen a lot here, on the "floors" ... But even we were not able to imagine such a thing in our most terrible nightmare! .. Behind the "black rock" something completely opened unthinkable... It looked like a huge, flat "cauldron" carved into the rock, at the bottom of which crimson "lava" was bubbling... Hot air "burst" everywhere with strange flashing reddish bubbles, from which scalding steam escaped and fell in large drops on the ground, or on the people who fell under him at that moment ... Heart-rending cries were heard, but they immediately fell silent, as the most disgusting creatures sat on the backs of the same people, who, with a contented look, "managed" their victims, not paying the slightest attention on their sufferings... Under the naked feet of people red-hot stones were reddening, the hot crimson earth was bubbling and "melting" ... high, evaporating with a light haze... And in the very middle of the "pit" a bright red, wide fiery river flowed, into which, from time to time, the same disgusting monsters unexpectedly threw one or another tormented entity, which, falling, caused only a short a splash of orange sparks, and then, turning for a moment into a fluffy white cloud, it disappeared ... forever ... It was a real Hell, and Stella and I wanted to “disappear” from there as soon as possible ...
- What are we going to do? .. - Stella whispered in quiet horror. - Do you want to go down there? Is there anything we can do to help them? Look how many there are!..
We stood on a black-brown, heat-dried cliff, watching the “mess” of pain, hopelessness, and violence stretching below, flooded with horror, and we felt so childishly powerless that even my warlike Stella this time categorically folded her tousled “wings ” and was ready at the first call to rush off to her own, so dear and reliable, upper “floor” ...
And then I remembered that Maria seemed to be talking to these people, so cruelly punished by fate (or by themselves) ...
“Tell me, please, how did you get down there?” I asked puzzled.
“Dean carried me,” Maria replied calmly, as a matter of course.
- What is it that these poor fellows have done so terrible that they got into such inferno? I asked.
“I think this is not so much about their misdeeds, but about the fact that they were very strong and had a lot of energy, and this is exactly what these monsters need, since they “feed” on these unfortunate people,” the little girl explained in a very adult way.
- What?! .. - we almost jumped. - It turns out - they just "eat" them?
“Unfortunately, yes... When we went there, I saw... A pure silvery stream flowed out of these poor people and directly filled the monsters sitting on their backs. And they immediately came to life and became very pleased. Some human entities, after that, almost could not walk... It's so scary... And nothing can help... Dean says there are too many of them even for him.
“Yeah… It’s unlikely that we can do something too…” Stella whispered sadly.
It was very hard to just turn around and leave. But we were well aware that at the moment we were completely powerless, but just watching such a terrible “spectacle” did not give anyone the slightest pleasure. Therefore, having once again looked at this terrifying Hell, we unanimously turned in the other direction ... I can’t say that my human pride was not wounded, since I never liked to lose. But I also learned a long time ago to accept reality as it was, and not to complain about my helplessness, if I was not yet able to help in some situation.
“Can I ask you where you girls are going now?” Maria asked sadly.
- I would like to go upstairs ... To be honest, the “lower floor” is enough for me today ... It is advisable to see something easier ... - I said, and immediately thought of Maria - poor girl, she is here remains!..
And, unfortunately, we could not offer any help to her, since it was her choice and her own decision, which only she herself could change ...
Whirlwinds of silvery energies flickered in front of us, already well known, and as if “wrapped” in them in a dense, fluffy “cocoon”, we smoothly slipped “up”...
- Wow, how good it is here - oh! .. - being "at home", Stella exhaled contentedly. - And how is it there, "below", it's still creepy ... Poor people, how can you become better, being in such a nightmare every day ?!. There's something wrong with that, don't you think?

Deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, leader of the St. Petersburg branch of the Union of Right Forces party.

Born on December 4, 1947 in Leningrad. In 1972 he graduated from the Leningrad Shipbuilding Institute (designer). In 1995 he was awarded the medal "For Services to the Fatherland".

From 1992 to 1993 he was the head of the economic research department of the privatization of the North-Western Agro-Industrial Exchange, was an expert of the Economic Reform Committee of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.

In 1992, he participated in the development of the 1992 state privatization program.

In 1993, he moved to the State Institute for Privatization Problems as the head of a department.

In 1994-1996 - Member of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.

From 1996 to 1999, he headed the All-Russian Association of Privatized and Private Enterprises.

In December 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation, Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Property.

From 1996 to the present - a member of the Russian Tripartite Commission for the regulation of social and labor relations by employers, a member of the Coordinating Council of Russian Employers' Associations, a member of the analytical group for interaction with regional structures of political parties, leader of the St. Petersburg branch of the Union of Right Forces.